• Moe Factz with Adam Curry for January 21st 2020, Episode number 22

• The Dream Machine

• Download the mp3

• Description
  • Adam and Moe deconstruct Martin Luther King Jr in a way you've never heard

• Shownotes
  • Chronicles of Juda 144 on YouTube
  • Operation CHAOS - Wikipedia
    • Link to Article
    • Archived Version
    • Tue, 21 Jan 2020 21:48
    •  
    • Operation CHAOS or Operation MHCHAOS was a Central Intelligence Agency domestic espionage project targeting the American people from 1967 to 1974, established by President Lyndon B. Johnson and expanded under President Richard Nixon, whose mission was to uncover possible foreign influence on domestic race, anti-war and other protest movements. The operation was launched under Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) Richard Helms by chief of counter-intelligence James Jesus Angleton, and headed by Richard Ober.[1][2] The "MH" designation is to signify the program had a worldwide area of operations.[3]
    • Background [ edit ] The CIA began domestic recruiting operations in 1959 in the process of finding Cuban exiles who could be used in the campaign against communist Cuba and President Fidel Castro. As these operations expanded, the CIA formed a Domestic Operations Division in 1964. In 1965, President Lyndon Johnson requested that the CIA begin its own investigation into domestic dissent'--independent of the FBI's ongoing COINTELPRO.[4]
    • The CIA developed numerous operations targeting American dissents in the US. Many of these programs operated under the CIA's Office of Security, including:[2]
    • HTLINGUAL '' Directed at letters passing between the United States and the then Soviet Union; the program involved the examination of correspondence to and from individuals or organizations placed on a watchlist.Project 2 '' Directed at infiltration of foreign intelligence targets by agents posing as dissident sympathizers and which, like CHAOS, had placed agents within domestic radical organizations for the purposes of training and establishment of dissident credentials.Project MERRIMAC '' Designed to infiltrate domestic antiwar and radical organizations thought to pose a threat to security of CIA property and personnel.Project RESISTANCE '' Worked with college administrators, campus security and local police to identify anti-war activists and political dissidents without any infiltration taking place.Scale of operations [ edit ] When President Richard Nixon came to office in 1969, existing domestic surveillance activities were consolidated into Operation CHAOS.[5] Operation CHAOS first used CIA stations abroad to report on antiwar activities of United States citizens traveling abroad, employing methods such as physical surveillance and electronic eavesdropping, utilizing "liaison services" in maintaining such surveillance. The operations were later expanded to include 60 officers.[3] In 1969, following the expansion, the operation began developing its own network of informants for the purposes of infiltrating various foreign antiwar groups located in foreign countries that might have ties to domestic groups.[2] Eventually, CIA officers expanded the program to include other leftist or counter-cultural groups with no discernible connection to Vietnam, such as groups operating within the women's liberation movement.[1] The domestic spying of Operation CHAOS also targeted the Israeli embassy, and domestic Jewish groups such as the B'nai B'rith. In order to gather intelligence on the embassy and B'nai B'rith, the CIA purchased a garbage collection company to collect documents that were to be destroyed.[6]
    • Targets of Operation CHAOS within the antiwar movement included:[5]
    • Students for a Democratic SocietyBlack Panther PartyYoung LordsWomen Strike for PeaceRamparts Magazine[7]At its finality, Operation CHAOS contained files on 7,200 Americans, and a computer index totaling 300,000 civilians and approximately 1,000 groups.[8]
    • Findings [ edit ] The aim of the programs was to compile reports on "illegal and subversive" contacts between United States civilian protesters and "foreign elements" which "might range from casual contacts based merely on mutual interest to closely controlled channels for party directives."[8]
    • DCI Richard Helms informed President Johnson on November 15, 1967, that the CIA had uncovered "no evidence of any contact between the most prominent peace movement leaders and foreign embassies in the U.S. or abroad." Helms repeated this assessment in 1969.[1] In total, 6 reports were compiled for the White House and 34 for cabinet level officials.[2]
    • American public learns of program [ edit ] The secret program was exposed by investigative journalist Seymour Hersh in a 1974 article in The New York Times entitled Huge CIA Operation Reported in US Against Antiwar Forces, Other Dissidents in Nixon Years.[1][9] Amid the uproar of the Watergate break-in involving two former CIA officers, Operation CHAOS had been closed in 1973.[4] Further details were revealed in 1975 during Representative Bella Abzug's House Subcommittee on Government Information and individual Rights.[3] The government, in response to the revelations, felt pressured enough to launch the Commission on CIA Activities Within the United States (The Rockefeller Commission), led by then Vice President Nelson Rockefeller, to investigate the depth of the surveillance.[1] Richard Cheney, then Deputy White House Chief of Staff, is noted as having stated the Rockefeller Commission was to avoid "... congressional efforts to further encroach on the executive branch."[1]
    • Following the revelations by the Rockefeller Commission, then-DCI George H. W. Bush admitted that "the operation in practice resulted in some improper accumulation of material on legitimate domestic activities."[3]
    • See also [ edit ] ECHELONNSA warrantless surveillance controversyProject MINARETProject SHAMROCKProject MegiddoOperation MockingbirdReferences [ edit ] ^ a b c d e f Athan Theoharis, Richard H. (2006). The Central Intelligence Agency: Security Under Scrutiny. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 49, 175, 195, 203, 322. ISBN 0-313-33282-7. ^ a b c d Napoli, Russell P. (2005). Intelligence Identities Protection Act and Its Interpretation. Nova Publishers. pp. 18''20. ISBN 1-59454-685-1. ^ a b c d Friedman, John S. (2005). The Secret Histories: Hidden Truths That Challenged the Past and Changed the World. Macmillan. pp. 278''279. ISBN 0-312-42517-1. ^ a b Verne Lyon, "Domestic Surveillance: The History of Operation CHAOS", Covert Action Information Bulletin, Summer 1990. ^ a b Goldstein, Robert Justin (2001). Political Repression in Modern America: From 1870 to 1976. University of Illinois Press. p. 456. ISBN 0-252-06964-1. ^ Loftus, John; Mark Aarons (April 15, 1997). The Secret War Against the Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed The Jewish People . St. Martin's Griffin. p. 322. ISBN 0-312-15648-0. ^ Burn Before Reading, Stansfield Turner, 2005, Hyperion. p 118 ^ a b Hixson, Walter L. (2000). Military Aspects of the Vietnam Conflict. Taylor & Francis. p. 282. ISBN 0-8153-3534-2. ^ Seymour Hersh (December 22, 1974). "Huge CIA Operation Reported in US Against Antiwar Forces, Other Dissidents in Nixon Years". New York Times: 1. External links [ edit ] CHAOS, MERRIMAC, and RESISTANCE | PDFDevelopment of Surveillance Technology & Risk of Abuse of Economic Information | PDFOperation Chaos: The CIA's War Against the Sixties Counter-CultureFinal Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with respect to Intelligence Activities: United States Senate - CIA Intelligence Collection about Americans: CHAOS and the Office of SecurityTranscriptions of CIA documents related to Operation MHCHAOS
  • James Earl Ray - Wikipedia
    • Link to Article
    • Archived Version
    • Tue, 21 Jan 2020 21:46
    •  
    • James Earl Ray
    • Mug shot of Ray taken on July 8, 1955
    • Born ( 1928-03-10 ) March 10, 1928DiedApril 23, 1998 (1998-04-23) (aged 70)Parent(s)James Gerald RayLucille Ray Conviction(s) Murder, prison escape, armed robbery, burglaryCriminal penalty99 years imprisonment (one year was added after his re-capture for a total of 100 years)DetailsVictimsDr. Martin Luther King Jr.DateApril 4, 1968NotesJames Earl Ray (March 10, 1928 '' April 23, 1998) was an American fugitive and felon convicted of assassinating Martin Luther King Jr. at the Lorraine Motel in Memphis, Tennessee on April 4, 1968. Ray was convicted on his 41st birthday after entering a guilty plea to forgo a jury trial and subsequently sentenced to 99 years' imprisonment for the murder of King. Had he been found guilty by jury trial, he would have been eligible for the death penalty. He would have been eligible for parole in 2018, after serving half of his sentence (49 1/2 years), at which point he would have been 90 years old. At the time of his death in 1998, he had served 29 years of his sentence.
    • Early life and education [ edit ] Ray was born on March 10, 1928 in Alton, Illinois, the son of Lucille Ray (n(C)e Maher) and George Ellis Ray. He had Irish, Scottish and Welsh ancestry and had a Catholic upbringing.[2]
    • In February 1935, Ray's father, known by the nickname Speedy, passed a bad check in Alton, Illinois, then moved to Ewing, Missouri, where the family changed their name to Raynes to avoid law enforcement.[3] Ray was the firstborn of nine children,[4] including John Larry Ray,[5] Franklin Ray, Jerry William Ray,[6] Melba Ray, Carol Ray Pepper, Suzan Ray, and Marjorie Ray. His sister Marjorie died in a fire as a young child.[7] Ray left school at the age of fifteen. He later joined the U.S. Army at the close of World War II and served in Germany, although Ray struggled to adapt to military life and was eventually discharged for ineptness and lack of adaptability in 1948.[8]
    • Initial convictions and first escape from prison [ edit ] Ray committed a variety of crimes prior to the murder of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Ray's first conviction for criminal activity, a burglary in California, came in 1949. In 1952, he served two years for the armed robbery of a taxi driver in Illinois. In 1955, Ray was convicted of mail fraud after stealing money orders in Hannibal, Missouri, then forging them to take a trip to Florida. He served four years in Leavenworth. In 1959, Ray was caught stealing $120 in an armed robbery of a St. Louis Kroger store.[9] Ray was sentenced to twenty years in prison for repeated offenses. He escaped from the Missouri State Penitentiary in 1967 by hiding in a truck transporting bread from the prison bakery.[10]
    • Activity in 1967 [ edit ] Following his escape, Ray stayed on the move throughout the United States and Canada, going first to St. Louis and then onwards to Chicago, Toronto, Montreal, and Birmingham, Alabama, where he stayed long enough to buy a 1966 Ford Mustang and get an Alabama driver's license. He then drove to Mexico, stopping in Acapulco before settling down in Puerto Vallarta on October 19, 1967.
    • While in Mexico, Ray, using the alias Eric Starvo Galt, attempted to establish himself as a pornographic film director. Using mail-ordered equipment, he filmed and photographed local prostitutes. Frustrated with his results and jilted by the prostitute with whom he had formed a relationship, Ray left Mexico on or around November 16, 1967.
    • Ray returned to the United States, arriving in Los Angeles on November 19, 1967. While in Los Angeles, Ray attended a local bartending school and took dance lessons. His chief interest, however, was the George Wallace presidential campaign. Ray harbored a strong prejudice against African Americans and was quickly drawn to Wallace's segregationist platform. He spent much of his time in Los Angeles volunteering at the Wallace campaign headquarters in North Hollywood.
    • He considered emigrating to Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), where a predominantly white minority regime had unilaterally assumed independence from the United Kingdom in 1965. The notion of living in Rhodesia continued to appeal to Ray for several years afterwards, and it was his intended destination after King's assassination. The Rhodesian government expressed its disapproval.[16]
    • Activity in early 1968 [ edit ] On March 5, 1968, Ray underwent a facial reconstruction (rhinoplasty), performed by Dr. Russell Hadley. On March 18, 1968, Ray left Los Angeles and began a cross-country drive to Atlanta, Georgia.
    • Arriving in Atlanta on March 24, 1968, Ray checked into a rooming house. He bought a map of the city. FBI agents later found this map when they searched the room in which he was staying in Atlanta. On the map, the locations of the church and residence of Martin Luther King Jr. were circled.
    • Ray was soon on the road again and drove his Mustang to Birmingham, Alabama. There, on March 30, 1968, he bought a Remington Model 760 Gamemaster .30-06-caliber rifle and a box of 20 cartridges from the Aeromarine Supply Company. He also bought a Redfield 2x-7x scope, which he had mounted to the rifle.[21] He told the shopkeepers that he was going on a hunting trip with his brother. Ray had continued using the Galt alias after his stint in Mexico, but when he made this purchase, he gave his name as Harvey Lowmeyer.
    • After purchasing the rifle and accessories, Ray drove back to Atlanta. An avid newspaper reader, Ray passed his time reading the Atlanta Constitution. The paper reported King's planned return trip to Memphis, Tennessee, which was scheduled for April 1, 1968. On April 2, 1968, Ray packed a bag and drove to Memphis.
    • Assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. [ edit ] FBI most wanted fugitive poster of James Earl Ray
    • On April 4, 1968, Ray killed Martin Luther King Jr. with a single shot fired from his Remington rifle, while King was standing on the second-floor balcony of the Lorraine Motel in Memphis, Tennessee. Shortly after the shot was fired, witnesses saw Ray fleeing from a rooming house across the street from the motel; he had been renting a room in the house at the time. A package was abandoned close to the site that included a rifle and binoculars, both found with Ray's fingerprints.
    • Apprehension and plea [ edit ] Ray fled to Atlanta in his white Ford Mustang, driving eleven hours.[24][25] He picked up his belongings and fled north to Canada, arriving in Toronto three days later, where he hid for over a month and acquired a Canadian passport under the false name of Ramon George Sneyd. He left Toronto in late May on a flight to England.[26] He stayed briefly in Lisbon, Portugal, and returned to London.[27]
    • On June 8, 1968, two months after King's death, Ray was arrested at London Heathrow Airport attempting to leave the United Kingdom for Brussels on a false Canadian passport. At check-in, the ticket agent noticed the name on his passport, Sneyd, was on a Royal Canadian Mounted Police watchlist.[28][29]
    • At the airport, officials noticed that Ray carried another passport under a second name. The UK quickly extradited Ray to Tennessee, where he was charged with King's murder. He confessed to the crime on March 10, 1969, his 41st birthday,[30] and after pleading guilty he was sentenced to 99 years in prison.[31]
    • Recanting of confession [ edit ] Three days later, he recanted his confession. Ray had entered a guilty plea on the advice of his attorney, Percy Foreman, an effort to avoid the sentence of death. The method of execution used in Tennessee at the time was electrocution.
    • Ray fired Foreman as his attorney and derisively called him "Percy Fourflusher" thereafter. Ray began claiming that a man he had met in Montreal back in 1967, who used the alias "Raul," had been deeply involved. Instead, he asserted that he did not "personally shoot Dr. King," but may have been "partially responsible without knowing it," hinting at a conspiracy. Ray told this version of King's assassination and his own flight in the two months afterward to journalist William Bradford Huie.
    • Huie investigated this story and discovered that Ray lied about some details. Ray told Huie that he purposefully left the rifle with his fingerprints on it in plain sight because he wanted to become a famous criminal. Ray was convinced that he would not be caught because he was so smart. Ray believed that Governor of Alabama George Wallace would soon be elected president and that he would only be confined for a short time. Ray spent the remainder of his life unsuccessfully attempting to withdraw his guilty plea and secure a trial.
    • Escape from prison [ edit ] On June 10, 1977, Ray and six other convicts escaped from Brushy Mountain State Penitentiary in Petros, Tennessee. They were recaptured on June 13.[33] A year was added to Ray's previous sentence, increasing it to 100 years. While serving time in the early 1980s at the Tennessee State Prison in Nashville, Ray asked to be interviewed by the news media on the anniversary of King's death. Dick Baumbach, the Tennessee Department of Corrections public information officer, coordinated the yearly interviews with local, state and national news media.
    • Conspiracy allegations [ edit ] Ray had hired Jack Kershaw as his attorney, who promoted Ray's claim that he was not responsible for the shooting. His claim is that it was said to have been the result of a conspiracy of the otherwise unidentified man named "Raul." Kershaw and his client met with representatives of the United States House Select Committee on Assassinations and convinced the committee to conduct ballistics tests'--which ultimately proved inconclusive'--that they felt would show that Ray had not fired the fatal shot.[34]
    • Kershaw claimed the escape was additional proof that Ray had been involved in a conspiracy that had provided him with the outside assistance he would have needed to break out of prison. Kershaw convinced Ray to take a polygraph test as part of an interview with Playboy. The magazine said that the test results showed "that Ray did, in fact, kill Martin Luther King Jr. and that he did so alone." Ray fired Kershaw after discovering the attorney had been paid $11,000 by the magazine in exchange for the interview and instead hired attorney Mark Lane to provide him with legal representation.[34]
    • Mock trial and civil suit [ edit ] In 1997, King's son Dexter had a meeting with Ray and asked him, "I just want to ask you, for the record, did you kill my father?" Ray replied, "No. No I didn't," and King told Ray that he, along with the King family, believed him; the King family also urged that Ray be granted a new trial.[35][36][37]
    • William Pepper, a friend of King in the last year of his life, represented Ray in a televised mock trial in an attempt to grant him the trial he never received. In the mock trial, the prosecutor was Hickman Ewing. The mock trial jury acquitted Ray.[38]
    • In November 1999, Pepper represented the King family in a wrongful death civil trial against Loyd Jowers. Jowers, a restaurant owner in Memphis, was brought to civil court in December 1999 and sued for being part of a conspiracy to murder Martin Luther King Jr. He was found legally liable, and the King family accepted $100 in restitution, an amount chosen to show that they were not pursuing the case for financial gain. The jury, concluding on December 8, found that Loyd Jowers as well as others, including governmental agencies, had been part of a conspiracy.[39] The King family has since concluded that Ray did not have anything to do with the murder of Martin Luther King Jr.[citation needed ][40]
    • Coretta Scott King said, "The jury was clearly convinced by the extensive evidence that was presented during the trial that, in addition to Mr. Jowers, the conspiracy of the Mafia, local, state and federal government agencies, were deeply involved in the assassination of my husband. The jury also affirmed overwhelming evidence that identified someone else, not James Earl Ray, as the shooter, and that Mr. Ray was set up to take the blame."[41]
    • Prompted by the King family's acceptance of some of the claims of conspiracy, United States Attorney General Janet Reno ordered a new investigation on August 26, 1998.[42] On June 9, 2000, the United States Department of Justice released a 150-page report rejecting allegations that there was a conspiracy to assassinate King, including the findings of the Memphis civil court jury.[42]
    • Death [ edit ] Prior to his death, Ray was transferred to the Lois M. DeBerry Special Needs Facility in Nashville, a maximum security prison with hospital facilities.[43]
    • Ray died at age 70 on April 23, 1998, at the Columbia Nashville Memorial Hospital from complications related to kidney disease and liver failure caused by hepatitis C.[44] His brother, Jerry, told CNN that his brother did not want to be buried or have his final resting place in the United States because of "the way the government has treated him." The body was cremated and his ashes were flown to Ireland, the home of his maternal family's ancestors.[45] Ten years later, Ray's other brother, John Larry Ray, co-wrote a book with Lyndon Barsten, titled Truth At Last: The Untold Story Behind James Earl Ray and the Assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.[35]
    • See also [ edit ] List of fugitives from justice who disappearedNotes [ edit ] ^ Jerome, Richard (May 11, 1998). "Dead Silence". People . Retrieved January 4, 2015 . ^ Ray, James Earl (April 1993). Who killed Martin Luther King?: the true story by the alleged assassin '' James Earl Ray. ISBN 9781882605026 . Retrieved July 29, 2015 . ^ Gerald Posner, Killing The Dream 1998 ^ Van Gelder, Lawrence (April 24, 1998). "James Earl Ray, 70, Killer of Dr. King, Dies in Nashville". The New York Times . Retrieved March 18, 2019 . ^ Stelzer, C. D. (November 28, 2007). "The assassin's brother: John Larry Ray marks time in Quincy, still trying to set the record straight". Illinois Times . Retrieved March 18, 2019 . ^ "James Earl Ray's Brother Dies". A Memoir of Injustice: Facebook Page. Facebook . Retrieved March 18, 2019 . ^ "James Earl Ray Biography". Biography.com. A&E Television Networks . Retrieved March 18, 2019 . ^ biography.com ^ Melanson, Philip H. (July 1994). The Martin Luther King Assassination. ISBN 9781561711314 . Retrieved June 27, 2014 . ^ Gribben, Mark. "James Earl Ray: The Man Who Killed Dr. Martin Luther King, chapter 3". truTV Crime Library. truTV. Archived from the original on June 14, 2006 . Retrieved June 25, 2006 . ^ Gerald Horne (2001). From the Barrel of a Gun: The United States and the War against Zimbabwe, 1965''1980 (2000 ed.). University of North Carolina Press. p. 24. ISBN 978-0807849033. ^ "Report of laboratory, FBI headquarters to Memphis, Apr. 17, 1968, FBI headquarters Murkin file 44-38861" (PDF) . The Harold Weisberg Archive . Retrieved May 5, 2015 . ^ "Findings on MLK Assassination" . Retrieved November 12, 2017 . ^ "James Earl Ray, 70, Killer of Dr. King, Dies in Nashville" . Retrieved November 11, 2017 . ^ "Why assassin James Earl Ray returned to Toronto". Thestar.com. June 6, 2010 . Retrieved June 27, 2014 . ^ "Seeking answers on King's killer". April 4, 2008. ^ Borrell, Clive (June 28, 1968). "Ramon Sneyd denies that he killed Dr King". The Times. London, UK. p. 2 . Retrieved January 13, 2009 . ^ R. Eyerman (October 10, 2011). The Cultural Sociology of Political Assassination: From MLK and RFK to Fortuyn and van Gogh. Springer. pp. 62''. ISBN 978-0-230-33787-9. ^ Waters, David; Charlier, Tom (April 24, 1998). "Log Cabin Democrat: King assassin Ray dies after lifelong legal fight 4/24/98". Archived from the original on December 14, 2014 . Retrieved December 9, 2014 . ^ "1969: Martin Luther King's killer gets life". On This Day 1950''2005: March 10. British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). March 10, 1969. ^ "Federal Bureau of Investigation '' History of Knoxville Office". FBI. Archived from the original on May 24, 2008 . Retrieved June 25, 2008 . ^ a b Martin, Douglas (September 24, 2010). "Jack Kershaw Is Dead at 96; Challenged Conviction in King's Death". New York Times . Retrieved September 25, 2010 . ^ a b John Ray (brother of James Earl) on Fox at YouTube ^ Today in History March 27 at YouTube ^ Sack, Kevin (March 28, 1997). "Dr. King's Son Says Family Believes Ray Is Innocent". The New York Times . Retrieved January 4, 2015 . ^ "Ray Acquitted In Mock Trial 25 Years After King Slaying". Orlando Sentinel. April 5, 1993. ^ "Memphis Jury Sees Conspiracy in Martin Luther King's Killing". The New York Times. December 9, 1999. ^ Sack, Kevin (March 28, 1997). "Dr. King's Son Says Family Believes Ray Is Innocent". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331 . Retrieved November 17, 2017 . ^ "Archived copy" (PDF) . Archived from the original (PDF) on August 26, 2017 . Retrieved October 10, 2017 . CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) ^ a b Sniffin, Michael J. (June 10, 2000). "Justice Dept. finds no conspiracy in King assassination". The Hour. 129 (159). Norwalk, Connecticut. AP. p. A4 . Retrieved October 22, 2015 . ^ Yellin, Emily (March 28, 1998). "Third Inquiry Affirms Others: Ray Alone Was King's Killer". New York Times . Retrieved March 9, 2017 . ^ Gelder, Lawerence. "James Earl Ray, 70, Killer of Dr. King, Dies in Nashville". The New York Times . Retrieved November 5, 2015 '' via nytimes.com. ^ "Autopsy confirms Ray died of liver failure". CNN. Nashville. April 24, 1998 . Retrieved June 25, 2008 . References [ edit ] "James Gang". Snopes.com. January 17, 2010 . Retrieved August 11, 2010 . Huie, William Bradford (1997). He Slew the Dreamer: My Search for the Truth About James Earl Ray and the Murder of Martin Luther King (Revised ed.). Montgomery: Black Belt Press. ISBN 978-1-57966-005-5. Petras, Kathryn; Petras, Ross (October 21, 2003). Unusually Stupid Americans: A Compendium of All-American Stupidity. Villard. ISBN 978-0-8129-7082-1 . Retrieved August 11, 2010 . Sides, Hampton (2010). Hellhound on His Trail: The Stalking of Martin Luther King Jr. and the Hunt for His Assassin. New York: Doubleday. ISBN 978-0-385-52392-9. Further reading [ edit ] Green, Jim, Blood and Dishonor on a Badge of HonorHeathrow, John, Why Did He Do It?McMillan, George, The Making of an AssassinMelanson, Dr. Philip H., The Martin Luther King Assassination: New Revelations on the Conspiracy and Cover-Up, 1968''1991Pepper, William, An Act of State: The Execution of Martin Luther KingPosner, Gerald, Killing the Dream: James Earl Ray and the Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.Ray, James Earl with Saussy, Tupper, Tennessee Waltz: The Making of a Political PrisonerRay, James Earl, Who Killed Martin Luther King?: The True Story by the Alleged Assassin, Washington D.C.: National Press Books, 1992; ISBN 0-915765-93-4Sides, Hampton, Hellhound on His Trail -- The Stalking of Martin Luther King and the International Hunt for His Assassin, New York, Doubleday, 2010. ISBN 978-0-385-52392-9External links [ edit ] Roads to Memphis (American Experience, first aired Monday, May 3, 2010) '' Public Broadcasting System (PBS).James Earl Ray at Find a GraveSpeeches, movements, and protests
    • Media
    • FilmTelevisionPlaysIllustratedMusicRelated
  • Highlander Research and Education Center - Wikipedia
    • Link to Article
    • Archived Version
    • Tue, 21 Jan 2020 21:26
    •  
    • Non-profit social justice organisation in the United States.
    • The Highlander Research and Education Center, formerly known as the Highlander Folk School, is a social justice leadership training school and cultural center in New Market, Tennessee. Founded in 1932 by activist Myles Horton, educator Don West, and Methodist minister James A. Dombrowski, it was originally located in the community of Summerfield in Grundy County, Tennessee, between Monteagle and Tracy City. It was featured in the 1985 documentary film, You Got to Move. Much of the history was documented in the book Or We'll All Hang Separately: The Highlander Idea by Thomas Bledsoe.
    • Highlander provides training and education for emerging and existing movement leaders throughout the South, Appalachia, and the world. Some of Highlander's earliest contributions were during the labor movement in Appalachia and throughout the Southern United States. During the 1950s, it played a critical role in the American Civil Rights Movement. It trained civil rights leader Rosa Parks prior to her historic role in the Montgomery Bus Boycott, as well as providing training for many other movement activists, including members of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Septima Clark, Anne Braden, Martin Luther King, Jr., James Bevel, Hollis Watkins, Bernard Lafayette, Ralph Abernathy and John Lewis in the mid- and-late 1950s. Backlash against the school's involvement with the Civil Rights Movement led to the school's closure by the state of Tennessee in 1961. Staff reorganized and moved to Knoxville, Tennessee, where they rechartered Highlander under the name "Highlander Research and Education Center." Highlander has been in its current (and longest consecutive) home in New Market, TN, since 1971.
    • History [ edit ] Early years [ edit ] The Highlander Folk School was originally established in Grundy County, Tennessee, on land donated for this purpose by educator Lilian Wyckoff Johnson. When Highlander was founded in 1932, the United States was in the midst of the Great Depression. Workers in all parts of the country were met with major resistance by employers when they tried to organize labor unions, especially in the South. Against that backdrop, Horton, West and Dombrowski created the Highlander School "to provide an educational center in the South for the training of rural and industrial leaders, and for the conservation and enrichment of the indigenous cultural values of the mountains." Horton was influenced by observing rural adult education schools in Denmark started in the 19th century by Danish Lutheran Bishop N. F. S. Grundtvig.[1] During the 1930s and 1940s, the school's main focus was labor education and the training of labor organizers. In the 1930s, Myra Page taught here.[2]
    • Civil rights [ edit ] In the 1950s, Highlander turned its energies to the rising issues of civil rights and desegregation. In addition to Myles Horton and others, a key figure during this period was John Beauchamp Thompson, a minister and educator who became one of the principal fund-raisers and speakers for the school.[citation needed ] Highlander worked with Esau Jenkins of Johns Island to develop a literacy program for Blacks who were prevented from registering to vote by literacy requirements. The Citizenship Education Schools coordinated by Septima Clark with assistance from Bernice Robinson spread widely throughout the South and helped thousands of Blacks register to vote. Later, the program was transferred to the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, because the state of Tennessee was threatening to close the school.
    • The civil rights anthem, "We Shall Overcome", was adapted from a gospel song, by Highlander music director Zilphia Horton, wife of Myles Horton, from the singing of striking tobacco factory workers in South Carolina in 1946. Shortly afterward, it was published by folksinger Pete Seeger in the People's Songs bulletin. It was revived at Highlander by Guy Carawan, who succeeded Zilphia Horton as Highlander's music director in 1959. Guy Carawan taught the song to SNCC at their first convening at Shaw University. The song has since spread and become one of the most recognizable movement songs in the world.[citation needed ]
    • Backlash [ edit ] In reaction to the school's work, during the late 1950s, Southern newspapers attacked Highlander for supposedly creating racial strife.[3] In 1957, the Georgia Commission on Education published a pamphlet titled "Highlander Folk School: Communist Training School, Monteagle, Tennessee".[4] A controversial photograph of Martin Luther King and writer, trade union organizer, civil rights activist and co-founder of the Highlander School Donald Lee West, was published. According to information obtained by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, West was the District Director of the Communist Party in North Carolina,[5] though West denied he had ever been a member of the Communist Party.[6] In 1961, the state of Tennessee revoked Highlander's charter, and confiscated and auctioned the school's land and property.[7] According to Septima Clark's autobiography, Echo In My Soul (page 225), the Highlander Folk School was closed, because it engaged in commercial activities in violation its charter. The Highlander Folk School was chartered by the State of Tennessee as a non-profit corporation without stockholders or owners. Once the State revoked its charter, no one could make a legal claim on any of the property. In 1961, the Highlander staff reincorporated as the Highlander Research and Education Center and moved to Knoxville. In 1971, it relocated to New Market, Tennessee.
    • Appalachian issues [ edit ] In the 1960s and 1970s, Highlander focused on worker health and safety in the coalfields of Appalachia. Its leaders played a role in the emergence of the region's environmental justice movement.[citation needed ] It helped start the Southern Appalachian Leadership Training (SALT) program, and coordinated a survey of land ownership in Appalachia. In the 1980s and 1990s, Highlander broadened their base into broader regional, national, and international environmentalism; struggles against the negative effects of globalization; grassroots leadership development in under-resourced communities. Beginning in the 1990s, became involved in LGBT issues, both in the U.S. and internationally.
    • Since 2000 [ edit ] Current focuses of Highlander include issues of democratic participation and economic justice, with a particular focus on youth, immigrants to the U.S. from Latin America, African Americans, LGBT, and poor white people.
    • In 2014, the Tennessee Preservation Trust placed the original Grundy County school building on its list of the ten most "endangered" historic sites in Tennessee.[8]
    • On March 29, 2019, fire destroyed a building that housed executive offices at the Highlander Center. Lost were decades of historic documents, speeches, artifacts and memorabilia.[9] White supremacist graffiti, in the form of the Iron Guard symbol, was found at the site, and the county and state are both investigating whether arson was committed.[10][11]
    • Directors [ edit ] The directors of Highlander have been:
    • Myles Horton, 1932''1969Frank T. Adams, 1970''1973Mike Clark, 1973''1978Helen Matthews Lewis, 1978''79 (acting)Mike Clark, 1979''1984Hubert E. Sapp, 1984''1993John Gaventa, 1993''1996Jim Sessions, 1996''1999Suzanne Pharr, 1999''2003M"nica Hernndez and Tami Newman, interim co-directors 2004''2005Pam McMichael, interim director, 2005; director from 2006Tennessee Historical Commission Marker [ edit ] A Tennessee Historical Commission Marker is present near Highlander's original location outside of Monteagle, Tennessee. The text of the marker reads:
    • 2E 75HIGHLANDER FOLK SCHOOL1932-1962In 1932, Myles Horton and Don West founded Highlander Folk School, located ½ mile north of this site. It quickly became one of the few schools in the South committed to the cause of organized labor, economic justice, and an end to racial segregation. Courses included labor issues, literacy, leadership, and non-violent desegregation strategies, with workshops led by Septima Clark. The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Rosa Parks, John Lewis, and Eleanor Roosevelt found inspiration for the modern civil rights movement there. Opponents of its causes tried to close the school.Continued(Back)Following a 1959''1960 trial in Grundy County, the State of Tennessee revoked the school's charter. It was adjudged to have violated segregation laws, sold beer without a license, and conveyed property to Myles Horton for his home. When the sheriff padlocked the school, Horton proclaimed Highlander to be an idea rather than simply a group of buildings, adding "You can't padlock an idea." In a 1979 Ford Foundation Report, Highlander was singled out as the most notable American experiment in adult education for social change.Tennessee Historical CommissionPhoto gallery [ edit ] Historical Marker Back
    • Historical Marker Back
    • Highlander Folk School Library Panoramic in 2014. Monteagle, Tennessee
    • Mural by Mike Alewitz at the Highlander Research and Education Center
    • See also [ edit ] Continuing educationMay JustusRand School of Social Science (1906), New YorkWork People's College (1907), MinnesotaBrookwood Labor College (1921), New YorkNew York Workers School (1923):New Workers School (1929)Jefferson School of Social Science (1944)Highlander SchoolCommonwealth College (Arkansas) (1923-1940)Southern Appalachian Labor School (since 1977)San Francisco Workers' School (1934)California Labor School (formerly Tom Mooney Labor School) (1942)Appalshop (1969), KentuckyNotes [ edit ] ^ Donald N. Roberson, Jr., 2002, The Seeds of Social Change from Denmark ^ M. Keith Booker, ed. (2005). Encyclopedia of Literature and Politics. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 543''544 . Retrieved 4 August 2018 . ^ [https://tennesseeencyclopedia.net/entries/highlander-folk-school/"Tennessee Encyclopedia" ^ "Labor Day Weekend at Communist Training School," broadside published by Georgia Commission on Education, 1957, Series I., Subseries A, S. Ernest Vandiver collection, Richard B. Russell Library for Political Research and Studies, University of Georgia, Athens, as presented in the Digital Library of Georgia. ^ Federal Bureau of Investigation, Highlander Folk School ^ Interview with Don West, January 22, 1975. Interview E-0016. Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007), Documenting the American South (DocSouth), University Library at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Jacquelyn Hall and Ray Faherty, interviewers. ^ John M. Glen, Highlander: No Ordinary School, The University Press of Kentucky, 1988, pp. 184''209. ^ "Nashville '-- all of it '-- named to 'endangered' list". Tennessean.com. October 29, 2014 . Retrieved August 2, 2015 . ^ "Fire destroys a building at Highlander Center, burning 'decades of archives ' ". knoxnews.com. March 29, 2019 . Retrieved March 29, 2019 . ^ Hickman, Hayes (April 2, 2019). "Highlander Center: 'White-power' graffiti found spray-painted at scene of massive fire". Knoxville News . Retrieved April 2, 2019 . ^ Whitney, W.T. (April 8, 2019). "The Burning of Highlander Center: a Fascist-like Attack". Counterpunch . Retrieved April 8, 2019 . References [ edit ] John M. Glen, Highlander: No Ordinary School, 1932''1962. The University Press of Kentucky, 1988. ISBN 0-8131-1617-1Federal Bureau of Investigation Highlander Folk School files obtained under the Freedom of Information ActFrank Adams, with Myles Horton, Unearthing Seeds of Fire: The Idea of Highlander. John F. Blair: 1975. ISBN 0-89587-019-3Jeff Biggers, "The United States of Appalachia: How Southern Mountaineers Brought Independence, Culture and Enlightenment to America". Emeryville, CA: Shoemaker and Hoard. ISBN 978-1593761516Myles Horton, with Herbert and Judith Kohl, The Long Haul: An Autobiography. Teachers College Press: 1997. ISBN 0-8077-3700-3Myles Horton and Paulo Friere, We Make the Road by Walking. Temple University Press: 1990. ISBN 0-87722-775-6History - 1930-1953: Beginnings & The Labor YearsHighlander Folk SchoolHighlander Research and Education CenterPam McMichael, "Dear Friend of Highlander", Highlander Reports, April 2005, (PDF)Eliot Wigginton, ed., Refuse to Stand Silently By: An Oral History of Grass Roots Social Activism in America, 1921''1964. Doubleday, 1991. ISBN 0-385-17572-8External links [ edit ] Official website Highlander Research and Education Center Records, 1917-1978 at the Wisconsin Historical Society--Over 350,000 documents and 1800 audio recordings from the Highlander Folk SchoolHighlander Research and Education Center Collection, Southern Folklife Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill"Integrated in All Respects": Ed Friend's Highlander Folk School Film and the Politics of Segregation in the Digital Library of GeorgiaMyles F. Horton, Tennessee's "Radical Hillbilly": The Highlander Folk School and Education for Social Change in America, the South, and the Volunteer State By James B. Jones, Jr. Southern History Net website.The Highlander Folk School's FBI files, hosted at the Internet Archive:Part 1Part 2Part 3Part 4Part 5Part 6Part 7Highlander Folk School 25th Anniversary, Civil Rights Digital Library. Coordinates: 35°15'²18'"N 85°48'²31'"W >> / >> 35.2551°N 85.8087°W >> / 35.2551; -85.8087
  • Before Rosa Parks, There Was Claudette Colvin : NPR
    • Link to Article
    • Archived Version
    • Tue, 21 Jan 2020 21:19
    •  
    • Retiree Claudette Colvin was 15 the day she refused to give up her seat on the bus. "My head was just too full of black history, you know, the oppression that we went through," she says. Courtesy of Alean Bowser hide caption
    • toggle caption Courtesy of Alean Bowser Retiree Claudette Colvin was 15 the day she refused to give up her seat on the bus. "My head was just too full of black history, you know, the oppression that we went through," she says.
    • Courtesy of Alean Bowser Read an excerpt from Claudette Colvin: Twice Toward Justice by Phillip Hoose.
    • The day Colvin held her own bus sit-in, her class had talked about the injustices they were experiencing daily under Jim Crow segregation laws. Courtesy of Jim Crow Museum at Ferris State University hide caption
    • toggle caption Courtesy of Jim Crow Museum at Ferris State University The day Colvin held her own bus sit-in, her class had talked about the injustices they were experiencing daily under Jim Crow segregation laws.
    • Courtesy of Jim Crow Museum at Ferris State University When the driver of the segregated bus, like the one shown above, ordered Colvin to get up, she refused, saying she'd paid her fare and it was her constitutional right. Two police officers handcuffed and arrested her. Courtesy of Birmingham Public Library Department of Archives and Manuscripts hide caption
    • toggle caption Courtesy of Birmingham Public Library Department of Archives and Manuscripts When the driver of the segregated bus, like the one shown above, ordered Colvin to get up, she refused, saying she'd paid her fare and it was her constitutional right. Two police officers handcuffed and arrested her.
    • Courtesy of Birmingham Public Library Department of Archives and Manuscripts Few people know the story of Claudette Colvin: When she was 15, she refused to move to the back of the bus and give up her seat to a white person '-- nine months before Rosa Parks did the very same thing.
    • Most people know about Parks and the Montgomery, Ala., bus boycott that began in 1955, but few know that there were a number of women who refused to give up their seats on the same bus system. Most of the women were quietly fined, and no one heard much more.
    • Colvin was the first to really challenge the law.
    • Now a 69-year-old retiree, Colvin lives in the Bronx. She remembers taking the bus home from high school on March 2, 1955, as clear as if it were yesterday.
    • The bus driver ordered her to get up and she refused, saying she'd paid her fare and it was her constitutional right. Two police officers put her in handcuffs and arrested her. Her school books went flying off her lap.
    • "All I remember is that I was not going to walk off the bus voluntarily," Colvin says.
    • It was Negro history month, and at her segregated school they had been studying black leaders like Harriet Tubman, the runaway slave who led more than 70 slaves to freedom through the network of safe houses known as the Underground Railroad. They were also studying about Sojourner Truth, a former slave who became an abolitionist and women's rights activist.
    • The class had also been talking about the injustices they were experiencing daily under the Jim Crow segregation laws, like not being able to eat at a lunch counter.
    • "We couldn't try on clothes," Colvin says. "You had to take a brown paper bag and draw a diagram of your foot ... and take it to the store. Can you imagine all of that in my mind? My head was just too full of black history, you know, the oppression that we went through. It felt like Sojourner Truth was on one side pushing me down, and Harriet Tubman was on the other side of me pushing me down. I couldn't get up."
    • Colvin also remembers the moment the jail door closed. It was just like a Western movie, she says.
    • "And then I got scared, and panic come over me, and I started crying. Then I started saying the Lord's Prayer," she says.
    • 'Twice Toward Justice'
    • Now her story is the subject of a new book, Claudette Colvin: Twice Toward Justice.
    • Author Phil Hoose says that despite a few articles about her in the Birmingham press and in USA Today, and brief mentions in some books about the civil rights movement, most people don't know about the role Colvin played in the bus boycotts.
    • Hoose couldn't get over that there was this teenager, nine months before Rosa Parks, "in the same city, in the same bus system, with very tough consequences, hauled off the bus, handcuffed, jailed and nobody really knew about it."
    • He also believes Colvin is important because she challenged the law in court, one of four women plaintiffs in Browder v. Gayle, the court case that successfully overturned bus segregation laws in Montgomery and Alabama.
    • There are many reasons why Claudette Colvin has been pretty much forgotten. She hardly ever told her story when she moved to New York City. In her new community, hardly anyone was talking about integration; instead, most people were talking about black enterprises, black power and Malcolm X.
    • When asked why she is little known and why everyone thinks only of Rosa Parks, Colvin says the NAACP and all the other black organizations felt Parks would be a good icon because "she was an adult. They didn't think teenagers would be reliable."
    • She also says Parks had the right hair and the right look.
    • "Her skin texture was the kind that people associate with the middle class," says Colvin. "She fit that profile."
    • David Garrow, a historian and the author of Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, says people may think that Parks' action was spontaneous, but black civic leaders had been thinking about what to do about the Montgomery buses for years.
    • After Colvin's arrest, she found herself shunned by parts of her community. She experienced various difficulties and became pregnant. Civil rights leaders felt she was an inappropriate symbol for a test case.
    • Parks was the secretary of the NAACP. She was well-known and respected and, says Garrow, Parks had a "natural gravitas" and was an "inherently impressive person."
    • At the same time, Garrow believes attention to Colvin is a healthy corrective, because "the real reality of the movement was often young people and often more than 50 percent women." The images you most often see are men in suits.
    • Hoose says he believes Colvin understands the pragmatism that pushed Parks to the fore, but "on the other hand, she did it."
    • Hoose says the stories of Parks and the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. are wonderful, but those are the stories of people in their 30s and 40s. Colvin was 15. Hoose feels his book will bring a fresh teen's perspective to the struggle to end segregation.
    • Excerpt: 'Claudette Colvin: Twice Toward Justice'
    • March 14, 2009 12:11 AM ET
    • Claudette Colvin: Twice Toward JusticeBy Phillip HooseHardcover, 144 pagesFarrar, Straus and Giroux List price: $19.95
    • CLAUDETTE: One of them said to the driver in a very angry tone, "Who is it?" The motorman pointed at me. I heard him say, "That's nothing new . . . I've had trouble with that 'thing' before." He called me a "thing." They came to me and stood over me and one said, "Aren't you going to get up?" I said, "No, sir." He shouted "Get up" again. I started crying, but I felt even more defiant. I kept saying over and over, in my high-pitched voice, "It's my constitutional right to sit here as much as that lady. I paid my fare, it's my constitutional right!" I knew I was talking back to a white policeman, but I had had enough.
    • One cop grabbed one of my hands and his partner grabbed the other and they pulled me straight up out of my seat. My books went flying everywhere. I went limp as a baby'--I was too smart to fight back. They started dragging me backwards off the bus. One of them kicked me. I might have scratched one of them because I had long nails, but I sure didn't fight back. I kept screaming over and over, "It's my constitutional right!" I wasn't shouting anything profane'--I never swore, not then, not ever. I was shouting out my rights.
    • It just killed me to leave the bus. I hated to give that white woman my seat when so many black people were standing. I was crying hard. The cops put me in the back of a police car and shut the door. They stood outside and talked to each other for a minute, and then one came back and told me to stick my hands out the open window. He handcuffed me and then pulled the door open and jumped in the backseat with me. I put my knees together and crossed my hands over my lap and started praying.
    • All ride long they swore at me and ridiculed me. They took turns trying to guess my bra size. They called me "nigger bitch" and cracked jokes about parts of my body. I recited the Lord's Prayer and the Twenty-third Psalm over and over in my head, trying to push back the fear. I assumed they were taking me to juvenile court because I was only fifteen. I was thinking, Now I'm gonna be picking cotton, since that's how they punished juveniles'--they put you in a school out in the country where they made you do field work during the day.
    • But we were going in the wrong direction. They kept telling me I was going to Atmore, the women's penitentiary. Instead, we pulled up to the police station and they led me inside. More cops looked up when we came in and started calling me "Thing" and "Whore." They booked me and took my fingerprints.
    • Then they put me back in the car and drove me to the city jail'--the adult jail. Someone led me straight to a cell without giving me any chance to make a phone call. He opened the door and told me to get inside. He shut it hard behind me and turned the key. The lock fell into place with a heavy sound. It was the worst sound I ever heard. It sounded final. It said I was trapped.
    • When he went away, I looked around me: three bare walls, a toilet, and a cot. Then I feel down on my knees in the middle of the cell and started crying again. I didn't know if anyone knew where I was or what had happened to me. I had no idea how long I would be there. I cried and I put my hands together and prayed like I had never prayed before.
    • ' ' '
    • MEANWHILE, schoolmates who had been on the bus had run home and telephoned Claudette's mother at the house where she worked as a maid. Girls went over and took care of the lady's three small children so that Claudette's mother could leave. Mary Ann Colvin called Claudette's pastor, the Reverend H.H. Johnson. He had a car, and together they sped to the police station.
    • ' ' '
    • CLAUDETTE: When they led Mom back, there I was in a cell. I was cryin' hard, and then Mom got upset, too. When she saw me, she didn't bawl me out, she just asked, "Are you all right, Claudette?"
    • Reverend Johnson bailed me out and we drove home. By the time we got to King Hill, word had spread everywhere. All our neighbors came around, and they were just squeezing me to death. I felt happy and proud. I had been talking about getting our rights ever since Jeremiah Reeves was arrested, and now they knew I was serious. Velma, Q.P. and Mary Ann's daughter, who was living with us at the time, kept saying it was my squeaky little voice that had saved me from getting beat up or raped by the cops.
    • But I was afraid that night, too. I had stood up to a white bus driver and two white cops. I had challenged the bus law. There had been lynchings and cross burnings for that kind of thing. Wetumpka Highway that led out of Montgomery ran right past our house. It would have been easy for the Klan to come up the hill in the night. Dad sat up all night long with his shotgun. We all stayed up. The neighbors facing the highway kept watch. Probably nobody on King Hill slept that night.
    • But worried or not, I felt proud. I had stood up for our rights. I had done something a lot of adults hadn't done. On the ride home from jail, coming over the viaduct, Reverend Johnson had said something to me I'll never forget. He was an adult who everyone respected and his opinion meant a lot to me. "Claudette," he said, "I'm so proud of you. Everyone prays for freedom. We've all been praying and praying. But you're different'--you want your answer the next morning. And I think you just brought the revolution to Montgomery."
    • Excerpted with permission from Claudette Colvin: Twice Toward Justice, by Phillip Hoose.
  • Clifford Durr - Wikipedia
    • Link to Article
    • Archived Version
    • Tue, 21 Jan 2020 21:18
    •  
    • Clifford Judkins Durr (March 2, 1899 '' May 12, 1975) was an Alabama lawyer who played an important role in defending activists and others accused of disloyalty during the New Deal and McCarthy eras, and who represented Rosa Parks in her challenge to the constitutionality of the ordinance requiring the segregation of passengers on buses in Montgomery that launched the 1955-56 Montgomery Bus Boycott.
    • Durr was born into a patrician Alabama family. After studying at the University of Alabama he went to Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar. He returned to the United States to study law, then joined a prominent law firm in Birmingham, Alabama in 1924. In 1926 he married Virginia Foster, whose sister, Josephine, would be the first wife of Hugo Black.[1]
    • Early life [ edit ] Clifford Judkins Durr was born on March 2, Montgomery, Alabama to John Wesley Durr and Lucy Judkins Durr.[2] His grandfather, John Weseley Durr, was a business agent for cotton growers, while his other grandfather, James Henry Judkins, was a plantation owner prior to the Civil War.[3] Both his grandfathers served in the Confederate Army during the civil war.[4] Growing up Durr attended Miss Woodruff's Academy and the Starke University School for Boys, a private academy in Montgomery.[5] Durr started his college career at the University of Alabama where his fellow student body elected him President of his class. Later on in college he won the Rhodes scholarship to Queens College, Oxford University, in England. He graduated from Oxford with a third-class honours Bachelor of Civil Law degree after electing to sit for the more challenging examination. In April 1926, Clifford married Virginia Foster Durr in hopes of her being a house wife and great social figure while he became a very successful and influential corporate lawyer. Clifford began his career in law at the Martin, Thompson, Foster, and Turner Law firm located in Birmingham, Alabama.[6]
    • Government service [ edit ] Clifford had risen to a full partner in his law firm by 1927. His income was such that he was little affected by the onset of the Great Depression in 1929. As economic conditions worsened, both Clifford and Virginia were becoming more aware of the inequality and injustice which characterized many responses to the collapse. It was this awareness that caused Clifford to unexpectedly leave the firm early in 1933. When members of the junior staff were laid off for financial reasons, Clifford suggested that the more senior members of the firm, including himself, take a pay cut in order to avoid future firings. This suggestion was not supported by the other senior staff. Cliff thus found his continued association with the firm to be untenable.[7] A few weeks after leaving this position, Cliff's brother-in-law, Black, then a Senator, asked him to come to Washington, D.C. to interview for a job with the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, the agency charged with recapitalizing banks and trusts. Durr took the job, becoming a dedicated New Dealer in the process. He resigned from that agency in 1941 after a series of disagreements with his superiors over their approval of agreements with defense contractors that allowed them to concentrate their monopoly position and derive windfall profits from war preparation efforts.
    • President Roosevelt then appointed Durr to the Federal Communications Commission, a politically sensitive position as FDR sought to counter the increasing power and concentration of broadcasters, many of whom were opponents of the New Deal. Durr supported FCC chairman James Lawrence Fly in defending the commission's program of regulation before the House Select Committee to Investigate the FCC, and unsuccessfully petitioned Speaker of the House Sam Rayburn to remove the committee's chairman, E. E. Cox, for conflict of interest. Durr campaigned to set aside frequencies for educational programs and to sell them to more diverse applicants, some of whom were attacked for their leftist politics. In 1945, he was appointed the head of an FCC study to determine if radio broadcasters upheld their pledges to provide public service programs to which they found broadcasters were often plagued with excessive advertising and a very little educational programming.[8] The resulting report, the Blue Book defined the guidelines of the FCC's regulatory authority over programming including the requirement of public service programs of local culture, education, and community affairs.[9] Investigations of the FCC by the House Un-American Activities Committee and J. Edgar Hoover's FBI were then initiated in an attempt to find socialist ties.
    • Representing dissenters [ edit ] Durr resigned from the FCC in 1948 after dissenting from its adoption of a loyalty oath demanded by the Truman administration. Although Durr did not know it, the FBI had already put him under surveillance in 1942 because he had defended a colleague accused of left-wing political associations. His wife's vigorous support for racial equality and voting rights for blacks and their friendship with Jessica Mitford, a member of the Communist Party, made both of them even more suspect. The FBI stepped up its interest in Durr in 1949, when he joined the National Lawyers Guild. He subsequently became the President of the Guild.
    • Durr opened a law practice in Washington, D.C. after leaving the FCC. He was one of the few lawyers willing to represent federal employees who had lost their jobs as a result of the loyalty oath program; he took many of their cases without charging them a fee. Durr did not apply any litmus test of his own, choosing to represent both those who had been members of or closely aligned with the Communist Party and those falsely accused of membership. Durr subsequently represented Frank Oppenheimer, brother of "father of the atomic bomb" Robert Oppenheimer, and several other scientists investigated for disloyalty by HUAC.
    • Durr and his wife moved to Colorado to work for the National Farmers Union when it became evident that he could not make a living defending those accused of disloyalty. However his wife's political activities, as a member of the Southern Conference for Human Welfare and the National Committee for the Abolition of the Poll Tax, her past membership in the Progressive Party and his own political activities caused him to lose that position as well.
    • Civil rights work [ edit ] The Durrs then returned to Montgomery, Alabama in the hope of returning to a more prosperous, less controversial life. However, Senator James Eastland of Mississippi soon subpoenaed Clifford Durr and his associate Aubrey Williams to a hearing of the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security investigating the Highlander Folk School, with which both Durrs and Williams had been associated. With the assistance of Senator Lyndon Johnson Durr succeeded in discrediting the hearing, but only after nearly coming to blows with a witness in the hearing room. In the process, however, Durr's health and law practice suffered, as Durr lost most of his white clients while the FBI increased its surveillance of him and those around him.
    • Durr continued to practice in Montgomery as counsel, along with a local attorney Fred Gray, for black citizens whose rights had been violated. He and Gray were prepared to appeal the conviction of Claudette Colvin, a 15-year-old African-American woman charged with violating Montgomery's bus segregation laws in March, 1955, but elected not to do so when E.D. Nixon, later of the Montgomery Improvement Association, and other black activists decided that hers was not the case to use to challenge the law.
    • Durr was therefore ready in December, 1955, when police arrested Rosa Parks for refusing to give her seat to a white man. Durr called the jail when authorities refused to tell Nixon what the charges against Parks were and he and his wife accompanied Nixon to the jail when Nixon bailed her out. Nixon and Durr then went to the Parks' home to discuss whether she was prepared to fight the charges against her. Durr and Gray represented Parks in her criminal appeals in state court, while Gray took on the federal court litigation challenging the constitutionality of the ordinance.
    • Durr continued to represent activists in the Civil Rights Movement, supported by financial support from friends and philanthropists outside the South. He eventually closed his firm in 1964. He lectured in the United States and abroad after his retirement. He died at his grandfather's farm in 1975.
    • References [ edit ] ^ Durr, Virginia Foster (1985). Outside the Magic Circle: The Autobiography of Virginia Foster Durr. University of Alabama Press. ^ John A. Salmond; University of Alabama Press (1990). The Conscience of a Lawyer: Clifford J. Durr and American Civil Liberties, 1899-1975. p. 4. ISBN 978-0817304539. ^ Auburn University (December 25, 2013). "Encyclopedia of Alabama: Clifford Durr". auburn.edu. ^ Barrett J. Foerster; University of Tennessee Press (2012). Race, Rape, and Injustice: Documenting and Challenging Death Penalty Cases in the Civil Rights Era. p. 55. ISBN 978-1572338623. ^ John A. Salmond; University of Alabama Press (1990). The Conscience of a Lawyer: Clifford J. Durr and American Civil Liberties, 1899-1975. p. 6. ISBN 978-0817304539. ^ "Clifford Durr". Encyclopedia of Alabama . Retrieved 2019-10-22 . ^ Salmond, John A. (1990). The Conscience of a Lawyer: Clifford J. Durr and American Civil Liberties, 1899-1975. Tuscaloosa, AL: The University of Alabama Press. pp. 43''44. ^ Pickard, Victor (2015). America's Battle for Media Democracy: The Triumph of Corporate Libertarianism and the Future of Media Reform. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. pp. 65''66. ^ Pickard, Victor (2015). America's Battle for Media Democracy: The Triumph of Corporate Libertarianism and the Future of Media Reform. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. pp. 64''66. Further reading [ edit ] America's Battle for Media Democracy: The Triumph of Corporate Libertarianism and the Future of Media Reform, by Victor Pickard (professor), Cambridge University Press, 2014 ISBN 1107694752The Conscience of a Lawyer: Clifford B. Durr and American Civil Liberties, 1899''1975, by John Salmond, University of Alabama Press 1987 ISBN 0-8173-0453-3Hard Times: An Oral History of the Great Depression, by Studs Terkel, Pantheon 1970 ISBN 0-394-42774-2Outside the Magic Circle: The Autobiography of Virginia Foster Durr, by Virginia Durr, edited by Hollinger F. Barnard, University of Alabama Press, 1985 ISBN 0-8173-0517-3Parting The Waters; America In The King Years 1954-63, by Taylor Branch, ISBN 0-671-46097-8Standing Against Dragons : Three Southern Lawyers in an Era of Fear, by Sarah Hart Brown, 1998 ISBN 0-8071-2575-XThe Jack Rabin Collection on Alabama Civil Rights and Southern Activists, including materials from and oral history of the Durrs and other Montgomery activists, available: https://libraries.psu.edu/about/collections/jack-rabin-collection-alabama-civil-rights-and-southern-activistsExternal links [ edit ] Clifford Durr capsule biography - National Lawyers Guild, ChicagoOral History Interview with Clifford Durr at Oral Histories of the American SouthMaterials and oral history interview of Clifford and Virginia Durr at [1]
  • DANNY RUBIN Obituary - New York, NY | New York Times
    • Link to Article
    • Archived Version
    • Tue, 21 Jan 2020 21:16
    •  
    • RUBIN--Danny. Once called, "The most dangerous man in America to American youth" by J. Edgar Hoover, Mortimer Daniel Rubin, known as Danny, died Tuesday, December 1, at the age of 84. Danny joined the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) during the McCarthy Era, moved by the idea of a political system based on social, racial and economic justice and equality. In that movement, to which he devoted the rest of his life, he met and married his life partner, Dorothy Cohan. The pair moved from Philadelphia to Brooklyn in 1960, where their children Rose and Joseph were born. Danny was a defendant in one of the McCarren Act cases that ultimately led to that law being struck down by the Supreme Court in the mid 1960s. Over the years, Danny took part in electoral campaigns at all levels, as well as every major social campaign from the Civil Rights Movement to opposing Bruce Ratner's Atlantic Yards project. He also served in many roles in the CPUSA, including as national organizational secretary and then national education secretary. He was active even this year. Danny loved Beethoven, chocolate, a good meal and The New York Times. He took pride in having met the great Paul Robeson twice. He was a gentle and affectionate father and grandfather who always had a hug and a kiss and a few choice words of advice. He is survived by his wife, Dorothy; children, Rose and Joe; daughter-in-law, Dolores; and grandchildren, Hector, Jason, Jesse and Selena.
    • Published in The New York Times on Dec. 6, 2015
  • Bayard Rustin - Wikipedia
    • Link to Article
    • Archived Version
    • Tue, 21 Jan 2020 21:06
    •  
    • American civil rights activist
    • Bayard Rustin
    • Born ( 1912-03-17 ) March 17, 1912DiedAugust 24, 1987 (1987-08-24) (aged 75)EducationCity College of New York, Cheyney State Teachers College, Wilberforce UniversityOrganizationFellowship of ReconciliationCongress of Racial EqualityWar Resisters LeagueSouthern Christian Leadership ConferenceSocial Democrats, USA (National Chairman)
    • A. Philip Randolph Institute (President)Committee on the Present DangerMovementCivil Rights Movement, Peace Movement, Socialism, Gay Rights Movement, Neoconservatism Partner(s) Davis PlattWalter Naegle (1977''1987; Rustin's death)AwardsPresidential Medal of FreedomBayard Rustin (; March 17, 1912 '' August 24, 1987) was an American leader in social movements for civil rights, socialism, nonviolence, and gay rights.
    • Rustin worked with A. Philip Randolph on the March on Washington Movement in 1941 to press for an end to racial discrimination in employment. Rustin later organized Freedom Rides and helped to organize the Southern Christian Leadership Conference to strengthen Martin Luther King Jr.'s leadership, teaching King about nonviolence and later serving as an organizer for the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom.[1]
    • After the passage of the civil rights legislation of 1964''65, Rustin became the head of the AFL''CIO's A. Philip Randolph Institute, which promoted the integration of formerly all-white unions and promoted the unionization of African Americans. During the 1970s and 1980s, Rustin served on many humanitarian missions, such as aiding refugees from Communist Vietnam and Cambodia. At the time of his death in 1987, he was on a humanitarian mission in Haiti.
    • Rustin was a gay man who had been arrested early in his career for engaging in public sex.[2] Due to criticism over his sexuality, he usually acted as an influential adviser behind the scenes to civil-rights leaders. In the 1980s, he became a public advocate on behalf of gay causes.
    • Later in life, Rustin shifted ideologically towards neoconservatism, for which President Ronald Reagan posthumously praised him after his death in 1987.[3][4][5] On November 20, 2013, President Barack Obama posthumously awarded Rustin the Presidential Medal of Freedom.[6]
    • Early life [ edit ] Rustin was born in West Chester, Pennsylvania, to Florence Rustin and Archie Hopkins, but raised by his maternal grandparents, Julia (Davis) and Janifer Rustin, as the ninth of their twelve children; growing up he believed his biological mother was his older sister.[7][7][8][9] His grandparents were relatively wealthy local caterers who raised Rustin in a large house.[7] Julia Rustin was a Quaker, although she attended her husband's African Methodist Episcopal Church. She was also a member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). NAACP leaders such as W.E.B. Du Bois and James Weldon Johnson were frequent guests in the Rustin home. With these influences in his early life, in his youth Rustin campaigned against racially discriminatory Jim Crow laws.[10]
    • One of the first documented realizations Rustin had of his sexuality was when he mentioned to his grandmother that he preferred to spend time with males rather than females. She responded, "I suppose that's what you need to do."[11]
    • In 1932, Rustin entered Wilberforce University, a historically black college (HBCU) in Ohio operated by the AME Church. As a student at Wilberforce, Rustin was active in a number of campus organizations, including the Omega Psi Phi fraternity. He was expelled from Wilberforce in 1936 after organizing a strike,[12] and later attended Cheyney State Teachers College (now Cheyney University of Pennsylvania). Cheyney honored Rustin with a posthumous "Doctor of Humane Letters" degree at its 2013 commencement.
    • After completing an activist training program conducted by the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), Rustin moved to Harlem in 1937 and began studying at City College of New York. There he became involved in efforts to defend and free the Scottsboro Boys, nine young black men in Alabama who were accused of raping two white women. He joined the Young Communist League for a small period of time in 1936, before becoming disillusioned with the party.[8] Soon after arriving in New York City, he became a member of Fifteenth Street Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers).
    • Rustin was an accomplished tenor vocalist, an asset which earned him admission to both Wilberforce University and Cheyney State Teachers College with music scholarships.[13] In 1939, he was in the chorus of a short-lived musical that starred Paul Robeson. Blues singer Josh White was also a cast member, and later invited Rustin to join his band, "Josh White and the Carolinians". This gave Rustin the opportunity to become a regular performer at the Caf(C) Society nightclub in Greenwich Village, widening his social and intellectual contacts.[14] A few albums on Fellowship Records featuring his singing were produced from the 1950s through the 1970s.
    • Political philosophy [ edit ] Rustin's personal philosophy is said to have been inspired by combining Quaker pacifism with socialism (as taught by A. Philip Randolph) and the theory of non-violent protest, popularized by Mahatma Gandhi.[8]
    • Evolving affiliations [ edit ] At the direction of the Soviet Union, the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) and its members were active in the civil rights movement for African Americans.[15] The CPUSA, at the time following Stalin's "theory of nationalism", favored the creation of a separate nation for African-Americans to be located in the American Southeast where the greatest proportion of the black population was concentrated.[16] In 1941, after Germany invaded the Soviet Union, Communist International ordered the CPUSA to abandon civil rights work and focus on supporting U.S. entry into World War II.
    • Disillusioned, Rustin began working with members of the Socialist Party of Norman Thomas, particularly A. Philip Randolph, the head of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters; another socialist mentor was the pacifist A. J. Muste, leader of the Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR). FOR hired Rustin as a race relation secretary in the late summer of 1941.[17]
    • The three of them proposed a march on Washington in 1941 to protest racial segregation in the armed forces and widespread discrimination in employment. Meeting with President Roosevelt in the Oval Office, Randolph respectfully and politely, but firmly told President Roosevelt that African Americans would march in the capital unless desegregation occurred. To prove their good faith, the organizers canceled the planned march after Roosevelt issued Executive Order 8802 (the Fair Employment Act), which banned discrimination in defense industries and federal agencies. The leader of the organizers, Randolph, canceled the march against Rustin's advisement.[17] The armed forces were not desegregated until 1948, under an Executive Order issued by President Harry S. Truman.
    • Randolph felt that FOR had succeeded in their goal and wanted to dissolve the committee. Again, Rustin disagreed with him and voiced his differing opinion in a national press conference, which he later regretted.[17]
    • Rustin traveled to California to help protect the property of the more than 120,000 Japanese Americans, most native-born, who had been imprisoned in internment camps. Impressed with Rustin's organizational skills, A.J. Muste appointed him as FOR's secretary for student and general affairs.
    • Rustin was also a pioneer in the movement to desegregate interstate bus travel. In 1942, he boarded a bus in Louisville, bound for Nashville, and sat in the second row. A number of drivers asked him to move to the back, according to Southern practice of Jim Crow, but Rustin refused. The bus was stopped by police 13 miles north of Nashville and Rustin was arrested. He was beaten and taken to the police station, but was released uncharged.[18]
    • He spoke about his decision to be arrested, and how that moment also clarified his witness as a gay person, in an interview with the Washington Blade:
    • As I was going by the second seat to go to the rear, a white child reached out for the ring necktie I was wearing and pulled it, whereupon its mother said, 'Don't touch a n*****.'
    • If I go and sit quietly at the back of that bus now, that child, who was so innocent of race relations that it was going to play with me, will have seen so many blacks go in the back and sit down quietly that it's going to end up saying, 'They like it back there, I've never seen anybody protest against it.' I owe it to that child, not only to my own dignity, I owe it to that child, that it should be educated to know that blacks do not want to sit in the back, and therefore I should get arrested, letting all these white people in the bus know that I do not accept that.
    • It occurred to me shortly after that that it was an absolute necessity for me to declare homosexuality, because if I didn't I was a part of the prejudice. I was aiding and abetting the prejudice that was a part of the effort to destroy me.[2]
    • In 1942, Rustin assisted two other FOR staffers, George Houser and James L. Farmer, Jr., and activist Bernice Fisher as they formed the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). Rustin was not a direct founder, but was "an uncle of CORE," Farmer and Houser said later. CORE was conceived as a pacifist organization based on the writings of Mohandas Gandhi's who used non-violent resistance against British rule in India. CORE was also influenced by his protege Krishnalal Shridharani's book War without Violence.[19][20]
    • Declared pacifists who refused induction into the military, Rustin, Houser, and other members of FOR and CORE were convicted of violating the Selective Service Act. From 1944 to 1946, Rustin was imprisoned in Lewisburg Federal Penitentiary, where he organized protests against segregated dining facilities. During his incarceration, Rustin also organized FOR's Free India Committee. After his release from prison, he was frequently arrested for protesting against British colonial rule in India and Africa.
    • Just before a trip to Africa while college secretary of the FOR, Rustin recorded a 10-inch LP for the Fellowship Records label. He sang spirituals and Elizabethan songs, accompanied on the harpsichord by Margaret Davison.[21]
    • Influence on the Civil Rights Movement [ edit ] Rustin and Houser organized the Journey of Reconciliation in 1947. This was the first of the Freedom Rides to test the ruling of the Supreme Court of the United States in Morgan v. Commonwealth of Virginia that banned racial discrimination in interstate travel as unconstitutional. Rustin and CORE executive secretary George Houser recruited a team of fourteen men, divided equally by race, to ride in pairs through Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Kentucky.[22] The NAACP opposed CORE's Gandhian tactics as too meek. Participants in the Journey of Reconciliation were arrested several times. Arrested with Jewish activist Igal Roodenko, Rustin served twenty-two days on a chain gang in North Carolina for violating state Jim Crow laws regarding segregated seating on public transportation.[23][24]
    • In 1948, Rustin traveled to India to learn techniques of nonviolent civil resistance directly from the leaders of the Gandhian movement. The conference had been organized before Gandhi's assassination earlier that year. Between 1947 and 1952, Rustin also met with leaders of independence movements in Ghana and Nigeria. In 1951, he formed the Committee to Support South African Resistance, which later became the American Committee on Africa.
    • Rustin was arrested in Pasadena, California, in 1953 for sexual activity with another man in a parked car. Originally charged with vagrancy and lewd conduct, he pleaded guilty to a single, lesser charge of "sex perversion" (as sodomy was officially referred to in California then, even if consensual) and served 60 days in jail. This was the first time that his homosexuality had come to public attention. He had been and remained candid in private about his sexuality, although homosexual activity was still criminalized throughout the United States.[25] Rustin resigned from the Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR) because of his convictions. They also greatly affected Rustin's relationship with A. J. Muste, the director of the FOR. Muste had already tried to change Rustin's sexuality earlier in their relationship with no success. Later in Rustin's life they continued their relationship with more tension than they previously had.[26] Rustin became the executive secretary of the War Resisters League. Later, in Montana, an American Legion chapter made his conviction in Pasadena public to try to cancel his lectures in the state.[25]
    • Rustin served as an unidentified member of the American Friends Service Committee's task force to write "Speak Truth to Power: A Quaker Search for an Alternative to Violence,"[27] published in 1955. This was one of the most influential and widely commented upon pacifist essays in the United States. Rustin had wanted to keep his participation quiet, as he believed that his known sexual orientation would be used by critics as an excuse to compromise the 71-page pamphlet when it was published. It analyzed the Cold War and the American response to it, and recommended non-violent solutions.
    • Rustin took leave from the War Resisters League in 1956 to advise minister Martin Luther King Jr. of the Baptist Church on Gandhian tactics. King was organizing the public transportation boycott in Montgomery, Alabama, which became known as the Montgomery Bus Boycott. According to Rustin, "I think it's fair to say that Dr. King's view of non-violent tactics was almost non-existent when the boycott began. In other words, Dr. King was permitting himself and his children and his home to be protected by guns." Rustin convinced King to abandon the armed protection, including a personal handgun.[28] In a 1964 interview with Robert Penn Warren for the book Who Speaks for the Negro?, Rustin also reflected that his integrative ideology began to differ from King's. He believed a social movement "has to be based on the collective needs of people at this time, regardless of color, creed, race."[29]
    • The following year, Rustin and King began organizing the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). Many African-American leaders were concerned that Rustin's sexual orientation and past Communist membership would undermine support for the civil rights movement. After the organization of the SCLC, Rustin and King planned a march. However, they did not plan on the march to be included in the Democratic National Convention. This did not sit well with U.S. Representative Adam Clayton Powell Jr. Powell threatened to leak to the press rumors of a fake affair between Rustin and King. King, acting in his interests, cancelled the march, and Rustin left his position in the SCLC. King received criticism for this action from Harper's magazine, which wrote about him, "Lost much moral credit ... in the eyes of the young". Although Rustin was open about his sexual orientation and his convictions were a matter of public record, the events had not been discussed widely beyond the civil rights leadership. Rustin did not let this setback change his direction in the movement.[11]
    • March on Washington [ edit ] Despite shunning from some civil rights leaders,
    • [w]hen the moment came for an unprecedented mass gathering in Washington, Randolph pushed Rustin forward as the logical choice to organize it.[30]
    • A few weeks before the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in August 1963, South Carolina Senator Strom Thurmond railed against Rustin as a "Communist, draft-dodger, and homosexual," and had his entire Pasadena arrest file entered in the record.[30] Thurmond also produced a Federal Bureau of Investigation photograph of Rustin talking to King while King was bathing, to imply that there was a same-sex relationship between the two. Both men denied the allegation of an affair.
    • Rustin became involved in the March on Washington in 1962 when he was recruited by A. Philip Randolph. The march was planned to be a commemoration of the Emancipation Proclamation one hundred years earlier.[11] Rustin was instrumental in organizing the march. He drilled off-duty police officers as marshals, bus captains to direct traffic, and scheduled the podium speakers. Eleanor Holmes Norton and Rachelle Horowitz were aides.[30] Despite King's support, NAACP chairman Roy Wilkins did not want Rustin to receive any public credit for his role in planning the march.[31] Roy Wilkins said, "This march is of such importance that we must not put a person of his liabilities at the head." Because of this conflict, Randolph served as the director of the march and Rustin as his deputy. During the planning of the march, Rustin feared his previous legal issues would pose a threat to the march. U.S. Senator Strom Thurmond attacked him about them three weeks before the march.[11] Nevertheless, Rustin did become well known. On September 6, 1963, a photograph of Rustin and Randolph appeared on the cover of Life magazine, identifying them as "the leaders" of the March.[31]
    • New York City school boycott [ edit ] At the beginning of 1964, Reverend Milton Galamison and other Harlem community leaders invited Rustin to coordinate a citywide boycott of public schools to protest their de facto segregation. Prior to the boycott, the organizers asked the United Federation of Teachers Executive Board to join the boycott or ask teachers to join the picket lines. The union declined, promising only to protect from reprisals any teachers who participated. More than 400,000 New Yorkers participated in a one-day February 3, 1964 boycott. Historian Daniel Perlstein notes that "newspapers were astounded both by the numbers of black and Puerto Rican parents and children who boycotted and by the complete absence of violence or disorder from the protesters."[32] It was, Rustin stated, and newspapers reported, "the largest civil rights demonstration" in American history. Rustin said that "the movement to integrate the schools will create far-reaching benefits" for teachers as well as students.[32]
    • The protest demanded complete integration of the city's schools (which would require some whites to attend schools in black neighborhoods), and it challenged the coalition between African Americans and white liberals. An ensuing white backlash affected relations among the black leaders. Writing to black labor leaders, Rustin denounced Galamison for seeking to conduct another boycott in the spring, and soon abandoned the coalition.[32]
    • Rustin organized a May March 18 which called for "maximum possible" integration. Perlstein recounts. "This goal was to be achieved through such modest programs as the construction of larger schools and the replacement of junior high schools with middle schools. The UFT and other white moderates endorsed the May rally, yet only four thousand protesters showed up, and the Board of Education was no more responsive to the conciliatory May demonstration than to the earlier, more confrontational boycott."[32]
    • When Rustin was invited to speak at the University of Virginia in 1964, school administrators tried to ban him, out of fear that he would organize a school boycott there. The flagship state university and local schools were still segregated.
    • From protest to politics [ edit ] In the spring of 1964, Rev. Martin Luther King was considering hiring Rustin as executive director of SCLC, but was advised against it by Stanley Levison, a longtime activist friend of Rustin's. He opposed the hire because of what he considered Rustin's growing devotion to the political theorist Max Shachtman. "Shachtmanites" have been described as an ideologically cultish group with ardently anti-communist positions, and attachments to the Democratic Party and the AFL-CIO.[33]
    • At the 1964 Democratic National Convention, which followed Freedom Summer in Mississippi, Rustin became an adviser to the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP); they were trying to gain recognition as the legitimate, non-Jim Crow delegation from their state, where blacks had been officially disenfranchised since the turn of the century (as they were generally throughout the South) and excluded from the official political system. DNC leaders Lyndon Johnson and Hubert Humphrey offered only two non-voting seats to the MFDP, with the official seating going to the regular segregationist Mississippi delegation. Rustin, following a line set by Shachtman[34] and AFL-CIO leaders, urged the MFDP to take the offer. MFDP leaders, including Fannie Lou Hamer and Bob Moses, angrily rejected the arrangement; many of their supporters became highly suspicious of Rustin. Rustin's attempt to compromise appealed to the Democratic Party leadership.[32]
    • After passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Rustin advocated closer ties between the civil rights movement and the Democratic Party, specifically the party's base among the white working class, many of whom still had strong union affiliations. With Tom Kahn, Rustin wrote an influential article in 1964 called "From Protest to Politics," published in Commentary magazine; it analyzed the changing economy and its implications for African Americans. Rustin wrote presciently that the rise of automation would reduce the demand for low-skill high-paying jobs, which would jeopardize the position of the urban African-American working class, particularly in northern states. He believed that the working class had to collaborate across racial lines for common economic goals. His prophecy has been proven right in the dislocation and loss of jobs for many urban African Americans due to restructuring of industry in the coming decades.
    • Rustin believed that the African-American community needed to change its political strategy, building and strengthening a political alliance with predominately white unions and other organizations (churches, synagogues, etc.) to pursue a common economic agenda. He wrote that it was time to move from protest to politics. Rustin's analysis of the economic problems of the Black community was widely influential.[35]
    • He also argued that the African-American community was threatened by the appeal of identity politics, particularly the rise of "Black power." He thought this position was a fantasy of middle-class black people that repeated the political and moral errors of previous black nationalists, while alienating the white allies needed by the African-American community. Nation editor and Harvard Law Professor Randall Kennedy noted later that, while Rustin had a general "disdain of nationalism," he had a "very different attitude toward Jewish nationalism" and was "unflaggingly supportive of Zionism."[36]
    • Commentary editor-in-chief Norman Podhoretz had commissioned the article from Rustin, and the two men remained intellectually and personally aligned for the next 20 years. Podhoretz and the magazine promoted the neoconservative movement, which had implications for civil rights initiatives as well as other economic aspects of the society. In 1985, Rustin publicly praised Podhoretz for his refusal to "pander to minority groups" and for opposing affirmative action quotas in hiring as well as black studies programs in colleges.[37]
    • Because of these positions, Rustin was criticized as a "sell-out" by many of his former colleagues in the civil rights movement, especially those connected to grassroots organizing.[38] They charged that he was lured by the material comforts that came with a less radical and more professional type of activism. While biographer John D'Emilio rejects these characterizations, Randall Kennedy wrote in a 2003 article that descriptions of Rustin as "a bought man" are "at least partly true." [36]
    • Labor movement: Unions and social democracy [ edit ] Rustin increasingly worked to strengthen the labor movement, which he saw as the champion of empowerment for the African-American community and for economic justice for all Americans. He contributed to the labor movement's two sides, economic and political, through support of labor unions and social-democratic politics.He was the founder and became the Director of the A. Philip Randolph Institute, which coordinated the AFL-CIO's work on civil rights and economic justice. He became a regular columnist for the AFL-CIO newspaper.
    • On the political side of the labor movement, Rustin increased his visibility as a leader of the American social democracy. In early 1972, he became a national co-chairman of the Socialist Party of America. In December 1972, when the Socialist Party changed its name to Social Democrats, USA (SDUSA) by a vote of 73''34, Rustin continued to serve as national co-chairman, along with Charles S. Zimmerman of the International Ladies Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU).[39] In his opening speech to the December 1972 Convention, Co-Chairman Rustin called for SDUSA to organize against the "reactionary policies of the Nixon Administration"; Rustin also criticized the "irresponsibility and (C)litism of the 'New Politics' liberals".[39] In later years, Rustin served as the national chairman of SDUSA.
    • During the 1960s, Rustin was a member[40] of the League for Industrial Democracy.[41] He would remain a member for years, and became vice president during the 1980s.[42]
    • Foreign policy [ edit ] Like many liberals and some socialists, Rustin supported President Lyndon B. Johnson's containment policy against communism, while criticizing specific conduct of this policy. In particular, to maintain independent labor unions and political opposition in Vietnam, Rustin and others gave critical support to U.S. military intervention in the Vietnam War, while calling for a negotiated peace treaty and democratic elections. Rustin criticized the specific conduct of the war, though. For instance, in a fundraising letter sent to War Resisters League supporters in 1964, Rustin wrote of being "angered and humiliated by the kind of war being waged, a war of torture, a war in which civilians are being machine gunned from the air, and in which American napalm bombs are being dropped on the villages."[43]
    • Along with Allard Lowenstein and Norman Thomas, Rustin worked with the CIA-sponsored Committee on Free Elections in the Dominican Republic, which lent international credibility to a 1966 ballot effectively rigged against the socialist former president, Juan Bosch.[44]
    • Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Rustin worked as a human rights and election monitor for Freedom House.[45]
    • In 1970, Rustin called for the U.S. to send military jets in the fight against Arab states by Israel; referring to a New York Times article he authored, Rustin wrote to Prime Minister Golda Meir "...I hope that the ad will also have an effect on a serious domestic question: namely, the relations between the Jewish and the Negro communities in America." Rustin was concerned about unity between two groups that he argued faced discrimination in America and abroad, and also believed that Israel's democratic ideals were proof that justice and equality would prevail in the Arab territories despite the atrocities of war. His former colleagues in the peace movement considered it to be a profound betrayal of Rustin's nonviolent ideals.[46]
    • Rustin maintained his strongly anti-Soviet and anti-communist views later in his life, especially with regard to Africa. Rustin co-wrote with Carl Gershman (a former director of Social Democrats, USA and future Ronald Reagan appointee) an essay entitled "Africa, Soviet Imperialism & the Retreat of American Power," in which he decried Russian and Cuban involvement in the Angolan Civil War and defended the military intervention by apartheid South Africa on behalf of the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). "And if a South African force did intervene at the urging of black leaders and on the side of the forces that clearly represent the black majority in Angola, to counter a non-African army of Cubans ten times its size, by what standard of political judgment is this immoral?" Rustin accused the Soviet Union of a classic imperialist agenda in Africa in pursuit of economic resources and vital sea lanes, and called the Carter Administration "hypocritical" for claiming to be committed to the welfare of blacks while doing too little to thwart Russian and Cuban expansion throughout Africa.[47]
    • In 1976, Rustin helped found the Committee on the Present Danger (CPD) with Paul Nitze, leader of the CIAs Team B project. CPD promoted Team B's controversial intelligence claims about Soviet foreign policy, using them as an argument against arms control agreements such as SALT II. This cemented Rustin's leading role in the neoconservative movement.[48]
    • Soviet Jewry movement [ edit ] The plight of Jews in the Soviet Union reminded Rustin of the struggles that blacks faced in the United States. Soviet Jews faced many of the same forms of discrimination in employment, education and housing, while also being prisoners within their own country by being denied the chance to emigrate by Soviet authorities.[49] After seeing the injustice that Soviet Jews faced, Rustin became a leading voice in advocating for the movement of Jews from the Soviet Union to Israel. He worked closely with Senator Henry Jackson of Washington, who introduced legislation that tied trade relations with the Soviet Union to their treatment of Jews.[50] In 1966 he chaired the historic Ad hoc Commission on Rights of Soviet Jews organized by the Conference on the Status of Soviet Jews, leading a panel of six jurors in the Commission's public tribunal on Jewish life in the Soviet Union. Members of the panel included Telford Taylor, the Nuremberg war trial prosecutor and Columbia University professor of law; Dr. John C. Bennett, president of the Union Theological Seminary; Reverend George B. Ford, pastor emeritus of the Corpus Christi Church; Samuel Fishman representing United Automobile Workers; and Norman Thomas, veteran Socialist leader.[51] The commission collected testimonies from Soviet Jews and compiled them into a report that was delivered to the secretary general of the United Nations. The report urged the international community to demand that the Soviet authorities allow Jews to practice their religion, preserve their culture and to emigrate from the USSR at their will.[51] The testimonies from Soviet Jews were published by Moshe Decter, the executive secretary of the Conference on the Status of Soviet Jews, in a book'-- Redemption! Jewish freedom letters from Russia, with a foreword by Rustin.[52] Through the 1970s and 1980s Rustin wrote several articles on the subject of Soviet Jewry and appeared at Soviet Jewry movement rallies, demonstrations, vigils, and conferences, in the United States and abroad.[53] He co-sponsored the National Interreligious Task Force on Soviet Jewry. Rustin allied with Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, an outspoken advocate for Soviet Jewry, and worked closely with Senator Henry Jackson, informing the Jackson''Vanik amendment'--a vital legislation that restricted United States trade with the Soviet Union in relation to its treatment of Jews.[50]
    • Gay rights [ edit ] He also testified on behalf of New York State's Gay Rights Bill. In 1986, he gave a speech "The New Niggers Are Gays", in which he asserted,
    • Today, blacks are no longer the litmus paper or the barometer of social change. Blacks are in every segment of society and there are laws that help to protect them from racial discrimination. The new "niggers" are gays.... It is in this sense that gay people are the new barometer for social change.... The question of social change should be framed with the most vulnerable group in mind: gay people.[54]
    • While there is a recurring tendency to describe Rustin as a pioneering "out gay man" the truth is more complex. In 1986, Rustin was invited to contribute to the book In the Life: A Black Gay Anthology. He declined, explaining
    • I was not involved in the struggle for gay rights as a youth. ...I did not "come out of the closet" voluntarily'--circumstances forced me out. While I have no problem with being publicly identified as homosexual, it would be dishonest of me to present myself as one who was in the forefront of the struggle for gay rights. ...I fundamentally consider sexual orientation to be a private matter. As such, it has not been a factor which has greatly influenced my role as an activist.[55]
    • Rustin did not engage in any gay rights activism until the 1980s. He was urged to do so by his partner Walter Naegle, who has said that "I think that if I hadn't been in the office at that time, when these invitations [from gay organizations] came in, he probably wouldn't have done them."[56]
    • Due to the lack of marriage equality at the time Rustin and partner Walter Naegle took an unconventional step to solidify their partnership and protect their unification. In 1982 Rustin adopted Naegle, 30 years old at the time, in order to legalize their union. Naegle explains,
    • We actually had to go through a process as if Bayard was adopting a small child. My biological mother had to sign a legal paper, a paper disowning me. They had to send a social worker to our home. When the social worker arrived, she had to sit us down to talk to us to make sure that this was a fit home.[57]
    • Davis Platt, Bayard's partner from the 1940s,[58] said "I never had any sense at all that Bayard felt any shame or guilt about his homosexuality. That was rare in those days. Rare."[25]
    • Death and beliefs [ edit ] Rustin speaks with civil rights activists before a demonstration, 1964
    • Rustin died on August 24, 1987, of a perforated appendix. An obituary in The New York Times reported, "Looking back at his career, Mr. Rustin, a Quaker, once wrote: 'The principal factors which influenced my life are 1) nonviolent tactics; 2) constitutional means; 3) democratic procedures; 4) respect for human personality; 5) a belief that all people are one.'"[59] Rustin was survived by Walter Naegle, his partner of ten years.[60][61]
    • President Ronald Reagan issued a statement on Rustin's death, praising his work for civil rights and "for human rights throughout the world". He added that Rustin "was denounced by former friends, because he never gave up his conviction that minorities in America could and would succeed based on their individual merit."[3]
    • Legacy [ edit ] Rustin "faded from the shortlist of well-known civil rights lions", in part because he was active behind the scenes, and also because of public discomfort with his sexual orientation and former communist membership.[30] In addition, Rustin's tilt toward neo-conservatism in the late 1960s led him into disagreement with most civil rights leaders. But, the 2003 documentary film Brother Outsider: The Life of Bayard Rustin, a Sundance Festival Grand Jury Prize nominee,[64] and the March 2012 centennial of Rustin's birth have contributed to renewed recognition of his extensive contributions.
    • Rustin served as chairman of Social Democrats, USA, which, The Washington Post wrote in 2013, "was a breeding ground for many neoconservatives".[65] In the 1970s, he was among the second-age neoconservatives, and in 1979, was elevated to vice-chair of the Coalition for a Democratic Majority, an organization that helped revive the Committee on the Present Danger.[66][67]
    • According to Daniel Richman, former clerk for United States Supreme Court justice Thurgood Marshall, Marshall's friendship with Rustin, who was open about his homosexuality, played a significant role in Marshall's dissent from the court's 5''4 decision upholding the constitutionality of state sodomy laws in the later overturned 1986 case Bowers v. Hardwick.[68]
    • Several buildings have been named in honor of Rustin, including the Bayard Rustin Educational Complex located in Chelsea, Manhattan;[69] Bayard Rustin High School in his hometown of West Chester, Pennsylvania; Bayard Rustin Library at the Affirmations Gay/Lesbian Community Center in Ferndale, Michigan; the Bayard Rustin Social Justice Center in Conway, Arkansas, and the Bayard Rustin Center for Social Justice in Princeton, New Jersey. Rustin is one of two men who have both participated in the Penn Relays and had a school, West Chester Rustin High School, named in his honor that participates in the Relays.[70]
    • 1990s and 2000s [ edit ] In July 2007, with the permission of the Estate of Bayard Rustin, a group of San Francisco Bay Area African-American LGBT community leaders officially formed the Bayard Rustin LGBT Coalition (BRC), to promote greater participation in the electoral process, advance civil and human rights issues, and promote the legacy of Rustin. In addition, the Bayard Rustin Center for LGBTQA Activism, Awareness and Reconciliation is located at Guilford College, a Quaker school.[71] Formerly the Queer and Allied Resource Center, the center was rededicated in March 2011 with the permission of the Estate of Bayard Rustin and featured a keynote address by social justice activist Mandy Carter.[72]
    • A 1998 anthology movie, Out of the Past, featured letters and archive footage of Rustin.[73]
    • A Pennsylvania State Historical Marker is placed at Lincoln and Montgomery Avenues, West Chester, Pennsylvania; the marker commemorating his accomplishments lies on the grounds of Henderson High School, which he attended.[74]
    • In 2006, Bayard Rustin High School opened in West Chester, Pennsylvania. Bayard Rustin was a 1932 graduate of West Chester High School.[75]
    • 2010s [ edit ] In 2012, Rustin was inducted into the Legacy Walk, an outdoor public display which celebrates LGBTQ history and people.[76] He was posthumously awarded honorary membership into Delta Phi Upsilon, a fraternity for gay, bisexual and progressive men.[citation needed ] In 2013, Rustin was selected as an honoree in the United States Department of Labor Hall of Honor.[77]
    • On August 8, 2013, President Barack Obama awarded Rustin the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the highest award in the United States. The citation in the press release stated:
    • Bayard Rustin was an unyielding activist for civil rights, dignity, and equality for all. An advisor to the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., he promoted nonviolent resistance, participated in one of the first Freedom Rides, organized the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, and fought tirelessly for marginalized communities at home and abroad. As an openly gay African American, Mr. Rustin stood at the intersection of several of the fights for equal rights.[78]
    • At the White House ceremony on November 20, 2013, President Obama presented Rustin's award to Walter Naegle, his partner of ten years at the time of Rustin's death.[6]
    • In 2014 Rustin was one of the inaugural honorees in the Rainbow Honor Walk, a walk of fame in San Francisco's Castro neighborhood noting LGBTQ people who have "made significant contributions in their fields."[79][80][81] In 2016, the Greensboro Mural Project, created a mural in honor of Rustin located at New Garden Friends Meeting in Greensboro, North Carolina.[82] John Hunter designed the mural, their first, honoring the legacy of Rustin. In April 2018, the Montgomery County Board of Education in Maryland voted to name the Bayard Rustin Elementary School after Rustin.
    • Canadian writer Steven Elliott Jackson wrote a play that stages an imaginary meeting and one-night-stand between Rustin and Walter Jenkins of the Johnson administration called The Seat Next to the King. The play won the award for Best Play at the 2017 Toronto Fringe Festival.[83]
    • In June 2019, Rustin was one of the inaugural fifty American ''pioneers, trailblazers, and heroes'' inducted on the National LGBTQ Wall of Honor within the Stonewall National Monument (SNM) in New York City's Stonewall Inn.[84][85] The SNM is the first U.S. national monument dedicated to LGBTQ rights and history,[86] and the wall's unveiling was timed to take place during the 50th anniversary of the Stonewall riots.[87]
    • In 2019, the Bayard Rustin Center for Social Justice (BRCSJ) opened its doors with the Rustin Estate, and Rustin's partner Walter Naegle joining as Community Liaison.[88] The BRCSJ is a community activist center, and safe-space for LGBTQ kids, intersectional families, and marginalized people.
    • Publications [ edit ] Interracial primer, New York: Fellowship of Reconciliation, 1943Interracial workshop: progress report, New York: Sponsored by Congress of Racial Equality and Fellowship of Reconciliation, 1947Journey of reconciliation: report, New York : Fellowship of Reconciliation, Congress of Racial Equality, 1947We challenged Jim Crow! a report on the journey of reconciliation, April 9''23, 1947, New York : Fellowship of Reconciliation, Congress of Racial Equality, 1947"In apprehension how like a god!", Philadelphia: Young Friends Movement 1948The revolution in the South", Cambridge, Massachusetts. : Peace Education Section, American Friends Service Committee, 1950sReport on Montgomery, Alabama New York: War Resisters League, 1956A report and action suggestions on non-violence in the South New York: War Resisters League, 1957Civil rights: the true frontier, New York: Donald Press, 1963From protest to politics: the future of the civil rights movement, New York: League for Industrial Democracy, 1965The city in crisis, (introduction) New York: A. Philip Randolph Educational Fund, 1965"Black power" and coalition politics, New York, American Jewish Committee 1966Which way? (with Daniel Patrick Moynihan), New York : American Press, 1966The Watts "Manifesto" & the McCone report., New York, League for Industrial Democracy 1966Fear, frustration, backlash: the new crisis in civil rights, New York, Jewish Labor Committee 1966The lessons of the long hot summer, New York, American Jewish Committee 1967The Negro community: frustration politics, sociology and economics Detroit : UAW Citizenship-Legislative Department, 1967A way out of the exploding ghetto, New York: League for Industrial Democracy, 1967The alienated: the young rebels today and why they're different, Washington, D.C. : International Labor Press Association, 1967"Right to work" laws; a trap for America's minorities., New York: A. Phillip Randolph Institute 1967Civil rights: the movement re-examined (contributor), New York: A. Philip Randolph Educational Fund, 1967Separatism or integration, which way for America?: a dialogue (with Robert Browne), New York, A. Philip Randolph Educational Fund, 1968The Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, an analysis, New York, American Jewish Committee 1968The labor-Negro coalition, a new beginning, Washington? D.C. : American Federationist?, 1968The anatomy of frustration, New York: Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, 1968Morals concerning minorities, mental health and identity, New York: A. Philip Randolph Institute, 1969Black studies: myths & realities, (contributor) New York: A. Philip Randolph Educational Fund, 1969Conflict or coalition?: the civil rights struggle and the trade union movement today, New York: A. Philip Randolph Institute, 1969Three essays, New York: A. Philip Randolph Institute, 1969Black rage, White fear: the full employment answer : an address, Washington, D.C.: Bricklayers, Masons & Plasterers International Union 1970A word to black students, New York: A. Philip Randolph Institute, 1970The failure of black separatism, New York: A. Philip Randolph Institute, 1970The blacks and the unions (contributor), New York: A. Philip Randolph Educational Fund, 1971Down the line; the collected writings of Bayard Rustin, Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1971Affirmative action in an economy of scarcity (with Norman Hill), New York: A. Philip Randolph Institute, 1974Seniority and racial progress (with Norman Hill), New York: A. Philip Randolph Institute, 1975Have we reached the end of the second reconstruction?, Bloomington, Indiana: The Poynter Center, 1976Strategies for freedom: the changing patterns of Black protest, New York: Columbia University Press 1976Africa, Soviet imperialism and the retreat of American power, New York: Social Democrats, USA (reprint), 1978South Africa: is peaceful change possible? a report (contributor), New York: New York Friends Group, 1984Time on two crosses: the collected writings of Bayard Rustin, San Francisco: Cleis Press, 2003I Must Resist: Bayard Rustin's Life in Letters: City Lights, 2012See also [ edit ] Civil resistanceList of civil rights leadersNonviolent resistanceTimeline of the civil rights movementReferences [ edit ] Notes [ edit ] ^ "Bayard Rustin". National Park Service . Retrieved June 27, 2016 . ^ a b Michel Martin, Emma Bowman (January 6, 2019). "In Newly Found Audio, A Forgotten Civil Rights Leader Says Coming Out 'Was An Absolute Necessity ' ". NPR . Retrieved January 7, 2019 . ^ a b Associated Press, "Reagan Praises Deceased Civil Rights Leader" Archived March 31, 2016, at the Wayback Machine ^ Justin Va¯sse, Neoconservatism: The Biography of a Movement (Harvard University Press, 2010), p.71-75 Archived September 13, 2016, at the Wayback Machine ^ "Table: The Three Ages of Neoconservatism" Archived March 20, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, Neoconservatism: Biography of Movement by Justin Vaisse, official website] ^ a b Justin Snow. "Obama honors Bayard Rustin and Sally Ride with Medal of Freedom". metroweekly.com . Retrieved November 21, 2013 . ^ a b c Carol, George (2006). Encyclopedia of African-American Culture and History. Detroit: Gale. pp. 1993''1994. ISBN 978-0-02-865816-2. ^ a b c Bayard Rustin Biography Archived April 30, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, (2015), Biography.com. Retrieved 07:37, February 28, 2015 ^ Dixon, Mark E. (October 2013). "Bayard Rustin's Civil Rights Legacy Began with Grandmother Julia Rustin". Main Line Today. ^ "Bayard Rustin Biography". Spartacus Educational. Archived from the original on April 19, 2014. ^ a b c d Gates Jr., Henry Louis (January 20, 2013). "Bayard Rustin, the Gay Civil Rights Leader Who Organized the March on Washington | African American History Blog". The African Americans: Many Rivers to Cross. PBS . Retrieved May 26, 2019 . ^ Mann, Leslie (February 1, 2012). "Not-so-secret life of gay civil rights leader Bayard Rustin". Chicago Tribune. ^ D'Emilio 2003, pp. 21, 24. ^ D'Emilio 2003, pp. 31''2. ^ Kazin, Michael (August 21, 2011). The Concise Princeton Encyclopedia of American Political History. Princeton University Press. p. 112. ISBN 978-1-4008-3946-9 . Retrieved November 6, 2011 . ^ August Meier and Elliot Rudwick. Black Detroit and the Rise of the UAW. ^ a b c Smith, Eric Ledell (2010). Encyclopedia of African American History. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, LLC. pp. 1002''1004. ISBN 978-1-85109-769-2. ^ Rustin, Bayard (July 1942). "Non-Violence vs. Jim Crow". Fellowship. reprinted in Carson, Clayborne; Garrow, David J.; Kovach, Bill (2003). Reporting Civil Rights: American journalism, 1941''1963. Library of America. pp. 15''18 . Retrieved September 13, 2011 . ^ David Hardiman (2003). Gandhi in His Time and Ours: The Global Legacy of His Ideas. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. p. 256. ISBN 978-1-85065-712-5. ^ Nishani, Frazier (2017). Harambee City : the Congress of Racial Equality in Cleveland and the rise of Black Power populism. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press. pp. 3''26. ISBN 9781610756013. OCLC 973832475. ^ from liner notes, Fellowship Records 102 ^ Podair 2009, pp 27 ^ Peck, James (September 1947). "Not So Deep Are the Roots". The Crisis. reprinted in Carson, Clayborne; Garrow, David J.; Kovach, Bill (2003). Reporting Civil Rights: American journalism, 1941''1963. Library of America. pp. 92''97 . Retrieved September 13, 2011 . ^ Nishani, Frazier (2017). Harambee City : the Congress of Racial Equality in Cleveland and the rise of Black Power populism. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press. pp. 43, 124. ISBN 9781610756013. OCLC 973832475. ^ a b c D'Emilio, John (March 2006). "Remembering Bayard Rustin". Magazine of History. ^ Eason, Leigh (June 25, 2012). "Gay, Black, and Quaker: History Catches Up with Bayard Rustin". Religion Dispatches . Retrieved May 26, 2019 . ^ "Available online from". AFSC. March 2, 1955. Archived from the original on November 3, 2013 . Retrieved November 1, 2013 . ^ "Bayard Rustin '' Who Is This Man" Archived May 16, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, State of the Reunion, radio show, aired February 2011 on NPR, 1:40''2:10. Retrieved March 16, 2011. ^ Robert Penn Warren Center for the Humanities. "Bayard Rustin". Robert Penn Warren's Who Speaks for the Negro? Archive . Retrieved February 11, 2015 . ^ a b c d Hendrix, Steve (August 21, 2011). "Bayard Rustin, organizer of the March on Washington, was crucial to the movement". The Washington Post . Retrieved August 22, 2011 . ^ a b Life Magazine Archived November 5, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, September 6, 1963. ^ a b c d e Daniel Perlstein, "The dead end of despair: Bayard Rustin, the 1968 New York school crisis, and the struggle for racial justice" Archived March 4, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, New York City government ^ Taylor Branch, Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years 1963-1965 (Simon & Schuster, 1999), p. 292-293 Archived April 6, 2016, at the Wayback Machine ^ Martin Duberman, A Saving Remnant: The Radical Lives of Barbara Deming and David McReynolds (The New Press, 2013) Archived April 17, 2016, at the Wayback Machine ^ Staughton Lynd, another civil rights activist, responded with an article entitled, "Coalition Politics or Nonviolent Revolution?" ^ a b Randall Kennedy, "From Protest to Patronage" Archived January 4, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, The Nation, September 11, 2003 ^ Walter Goodman, "Podhoretz on 25 Years at Commentary" Archived March 5, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, The New York Times, January 31, 1985 ^ Podair, Jerald (December 16, 2008). Bayard Rustin: American Dreamer. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. pp. 64, 77. ISBN 9780742564800. ^ a b "Socialist Party Now the Social Democrats, U.S.A." The New York Times. December 31, 1972 . Retrieved February 8, 2010 . (limited free access) ^ Forman, James (1972). The Making of Black Revolutionaries. University of Washington Press. p. 220. ^ Carson, Clayborne (1981). In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s . Harvard University Press. pp. 29. ^ Karatnycky, Adrian; Motyl, Alexander J.; Sturmthal, Adolf (1980). Workers' rights, East and West : a comparative study of trade union and workers' rights in Western democracies and Eastern Europe. Transaction Publishing / League for Industrial Democracy. p. 150. ^ Rustin 2012, pp. 291-2 ^ Nathan Glazer "A Word From Our Sponsor: Review of Hugh Wilford's The Mighty Wurlitzer" The New York Times, January 20, 2008 Archived September 9, 2015, at the Wayback Machine ^ "Freedom House: A History". Archived from the original on August 23, 2011. ^ Matthew Arlyck "Review of I Must Resist: Letters of Bayard Rustin" Fellowship of Reconciliation website Archived April 19, 2016, at the Wayback Machine ^ Bayard Rustin and Carl Gershman (October 1977). "Africa, Soviet Imperialism & The Retreat Of American Power" (PDF) . Social Democrats, U.S.A . Retrieved November 1, 2013 . ^ John Ehrman, The Rise of Neoconservatism: Intellectuals and Foreign Affairs, 1945-1994 (Yale University Press, 1996), p. 107-114 Archived June 10, 2016, at the Wayback Machine ^ Podair, Jerald E. "Bayard Rustin: American Dreamer" (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Pub., 2009). ISBN 074254513X ^ a b Podair 2009, pp. 99 ^ a b "Commission to Present Findings on Soviet Jewry to U.N." Jewish Telegraphic Agency. December 5, 1966 . Retrieved July 15, 2016 . ^ Decter, Moshe (1966). Redemption! Jewish freedom letters from Russia. New York: American Jewish Conference on Soviet Jewry. pp. 2''3. ^ Shneier, Marc (2008). Shared Dreams: Martin Luther King, Jr. & the Jewish Community. New York: Jewish Lights. p. 117. ISBN 978-1580232739. ^ Osagyefo Uhuru Sekou (June 26, 2009). "Gays Are the New Niggers". Killing the Buddha . Retrieved July 2, 2009 . ^ Yasmin Nair, "Bayard Rustin: A complex legacy" Windy City Times, March 3, 2012 Archived April 14, 2016, at the Wayback Machine ^ d'Emilio, John (October 16, 2015). Lost Prophet: The Life and Times of Bayard Rustin - John D'Emilio - Google КниÐ"и. ISBN 9780684827803. Archived from the original on October 16, 2015 . Retrieved October 22, 2018 . ^ Sunday, Weekend Edition. "Long Before Same-Sex Marriage, 'Adopted Son' Could Mean 'Life Partner ' ". NPR.org . Retrieved November 16, 2015 . ^ Drayton, Robert (January 18, 2016). "The Personal Life of Bayard Rustin". Out. ^ "Bayard Rustin Is Dead at 75; Pacifist and a Rights Activist" Archived October 14, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, New York Times ^ "Brother Outsider '-- A Closer Look at Bayard Rustin, by Walter Naegle". Rustin.org . Retrieved November 1, 2013 . ^ Patricia Nell Warren (February 15, 2009). "Bayard Rustin: Offensive lineman for freedom". Outsports.com . Retrieved November 14, 2013 . ^ "Vietnam: A Television History; Homefront USA; Interview with Bayard Rustin, 1982". WGBH-TV. October 7, 1982 . Retrieved June 4, 2017 . ^ "The Bayard Rustin Papers". Library of Congress. August 28, 2013 . Retrieved June 4, 2017 . ^ "Brother Outsider '' Home". ^ Dylan Matthews, "Meet Bayard Rustin", Washingtonpost.com, August 28, 2013 ^ Justin Va¯sse, Neoconservatism: The Biography of a Movement (Harvard University Press, 2010), p. 91 Archived September 13, 2016, at the Wayback Machine ^ "Coalition for a Democratic Majority" Archived March 4, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, Right Web, Institute for Policy Studies ^ Murdoch, Joyce; Price, Deb (May 8, 2002). Courting Justice: Gay Men and Lesbians v. The Supreme Court. Basic Books. p. 292. ISBN 978-0-465-01514-6 . Retrieved October 13, 2011 . ^ "H.S. 440 Bayard Rustin Educational Complex" Archived April 1, 2016, at the Wayback Machine at InsideSchools.org ^ Hoover, Brett (2016). "What's in a name". pennrelaysonline. 63rd school listed on page. Archived from the original on March 4, 2016 . Retrieved February 29, 2016 . CS1 maint: location (link) ^ "The Bayard Rustin Center for Lgbtqa Activism, Education and Reconciliation '' Community '' Greensboro". Facebook. September 21, 2011. ^ "Bayard Rustin Center for LGBTQA Activism, Awareness and Reconciliation to Be Dedicated March 16". Guilford College. [dead link ] ^ "Out of the Past (1998)". IMDb. ^ "Bayard Rustin Marker". Hmdb.org. ^ "Bayard Rustin High School '' Mission Statement". wcasd.net. West Chester Area School District . Retrieved December 31, 2019 . ^ "2012 Inductees". The Legacy Project. ^ "Hall of Honor Inductee, Bayard Rustin". The Department of Labor's Hall of Honor. United States Department of Labor . Retrieved October 12, 2014 . ^ "President Obama Names Presidential Medal of Freedom Recipients". Office of the Press Secretary, The White House. August 8, 2013 . Retrieved August 8, 2013 . ^ Shelter, Scott (March 14, 2016). "The Rainbow Honor Walk: San Francisco's LGBT Walk of Fame". Quirky Travel Guy . Retrieved July 28, 2019 . ^ "Castro's Rainbow Honor Walk Dedicated Today: SFist". SFist - San Francisco News, Restaurants, Events, & Sports. September 2, 2014. Archived from the original on August 10, 2019 . Retrieved August 13, 2019 . ^ Carnivele, Gary (July 2, 2016). "Second LGBT Honorees Selected for San Francisco's Rainbow Honor Walk". We The People . Retrieved August 12, 2019 . ^ "The Greensboro Mural Project". The Greensboro Mural Project . Retrieved October 22, 2018 . ^ "Toronto Fridge Festival Awards and Contests". ^ Glasses-Baker, Becca (June 27, 2019). "National LGBTQ Wall of Honor unveiled at Stonewall Inn". www.metro.us . Retrieved June 28, 2019 . ^ SDGLN, Timothy Rawles-Community Editor for (June 19, 2019). "National LGBTQ Wall of Honor to be unveiled at historic Stonewall Inn". San Diego Gay and Lesbian News . Retrieved June 21, 2019 . ^ "Groups seek names for Stonewall 50 honor wall". The Bay Area Reporter / B.A.R. Inc . Retrieved May 24, 2019 . ^ "Stonewall 50". San Francisco Bay Times. April 3, 2019 . Retrieved May 25, 2019 . ^ "Bayard Rustin Center for Social Justice". Bayard Rustin Center for Social Justice . Retrieved December 25, 2019 . Bibliography [ edit ] Anderson, Jervis. Bayard Rustin: Troubles I've Seen (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1997).Bennett, Scott H. Radical Pacifism: The War Resisters League and Gandhian Nonviolence in America, 1915''1963 (Syracuse Univ. Press, 2003). ISBN 0-8156-3028-X.Branch, Taylor. Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954''63 (New York: Touchstone, 1989).Carbado, Devon W. and Donald Weise, editors. Time on Two Crosses: The Collected Writings of Bayard Rustin (San Francisco: Cleis Press, 2003). ISBN 1-57344-174-0D'Emilio, John. Lost Prophet: Bayard Rustin and the Quest for Peace and Justice in America (New York: The Free Press, 2003).D'Emilio, John. Lost Prophet: The Life and Times of Bayard Rustin (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2004). ISBN 0-226-14269-8Frazier, Nishani (2017). Harambee City: Congress of Racial Equality in Cleveland and the Rise of Black Power Populism. University of Arkansas Press. ISBN 1682260186.Haskins, James. Bayard Rustin: Behind the Scenes of the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Hyperion, 1997).Hirschfelder, Nicole. Oppression as Process: The Case of Bayard Rustin (Heidelberg: Universit¤tsverlag Winter, 2014). ISBN 3825363902Kates, Nancy and Bennett Singer (dirs.) Brother Outsider: The Life of Bayard Rustin (2003)King, Martin Luther Jr.; Carson, Clayborne; Luker, Ralph & Penny A. Russell The Papers of Martin Luther King, Jr.: Volume IV: Symbol of the Movement, January 1957 '' December 1958. University of California Press, 2000. ISBN 0-520-22231-8Le Blanc, Paul and Michael Yates, A Freedom Budget for All Americans: Recapturing the Promise of the Civil Rights Movement in the Struggle for Economic Justice Today (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2013).Podair, Jerald E. "Bayard Rustin: American Dreamer" (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Pub., 2009). ISBN 978-0-7425-4513-7Levine, Daniel (2000). Bayard Rustin and the civil rights movement. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. p. 352. ISBN 0-8135-2718-X. Lewis, David L. King: A Biography. (University of Illinois Press, 1978). ISBN 0-252-00680-1.Rustin, Bayard. Down the Line: The Collected Writings of Bayard Rustin (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1971).Rustin, Bayard; Bond, Julian (2012). I Must Resist: Bayard Rustin's Life in Letters. City Lights Books. ISBN 978-0-87286-578-5. External links [ edit ] SNCC Digital Gateway: Bayard Rustin, Documentary website created by the SNCC Legacy Project and Duke University, telling the story of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee & grassroots organizing from the inside-outBayard Rustin '' Who Is This Man?Bayard Rustin FB Memorial PageFBI file on Bayard Rustin Bayard Rustin, Civil Rights Leader, from Quakerinfo.orgBrother Outsider, a documentary on RustinRandall Kennedy, "From Protest to Patronage." The NationBiography on Bayard Rustin High School's websiteGuide to the Papers of Bayard Rustin at the American Jewish Historical Society.Bayard Rustin at the Internet Broadway Database "Bayard Rustin". Find a Grave . Retrieved June 10, 2013 .
  • Martin Luther King Sr. - Wikipedia
    • Link to Article
    • Archived Version
    • Tue, 21 Jan 2020 20:36
    •  
    • Martin Luther King Sr. (born Michael King; December 19, 1899 '' November 11, 1984) was an African American Baptist pastor, missionary, and an early figure in the Civil Rights Movement.[citation needed ] He was the father and namesake of civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr.
    • Early life [ edit ] Martin Luther King Sr. was born Michael King in Stockbridge, Georgia, the son of Delia (n(C)e Linsey; 1875''1924) and James Albert King (1864''1933).[1] He led the Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta, Georgia,[citation needed ] and became a leader of the Civil Rights Movement, as the head of the NAACP chapter in Atlanta[citation needed ] and of the Civic and Political League.[citation needed ] He encouraged his son to become active in the movement.
    • Ebenezer Baptist Church [ edit ] King was a member of the Baptist Church and decided to become a preacher after being inspired by ministers who were prepared to stand up for racial equality. He was boarding with Reverend A.D. Williams, then pastor of the Ebenezer Baptist Church. He attended Dillard University for a two-year degree. After King started courting Williams' daughter, Alberta, her family encouraged him to finish his education and to become a preacher. King completed his high school education at Bryant Preparatory School, and began to preach in several black churches in Atlanta.
    • In 1926, King started his ministerial degree at the Morehouse School of Religion. On Thanksgiving Day in 1926, after eight years of courtship, he married Alberta in the Ebenezer Church. The couple had three children in four years: a daughter, Willie Christine King (born 1927), Martin Luther King Jr. (born Michael King Jr., 1929''1968), and a second son, Alfred Daniel Williams King (1930''1969).
    • King became leader of the Ebenezer Baptist Church in March 1931 after the death of Williams. With the country in the midst of the Great Depression, church finances were struggling, but King organized membership and fundraising drives that restored these to health. By 1934, King had become a widely respected leader of the local church. That year, he also changed his name (and that of his eldest son) from Michael King to Martin Luther King after a period of gradual transition on his own part.[2] He was inspired during a trip to Germany for that year's meeting of the Baptist World Alliance (BWA). While visiting sites associated with reformation leader Martin Luther, attendees also witnessed the rise of Nazism. The BWA conference issued a resolution condemning antisemitism, and the senior King gained deepened appreciation for the power of Luther's protest.[3]
    • King was the pastor of the Ebenezer Baptist Church for four decades, wielding great influence in the black community and earning some degree of respect from the white community. He also broadcast on WAEC, a religious radio station in Atlanta.
    • In his 1950 essay An Autobiography of Religious Development, King Jr. wrote that his father was a major influence on his entering the ministry. He said, "I guess the influence of my father also had a great deal to do with my going in the ministry. This is not to say that he ever spoke to me in terms of being a minister, but that my admiration for him was the great moving factor; He set forth a noble example that I didn't mind following."
    • King Jr. often recounted that his father frequently sent him to work in the fields. He said that in this way he would gain a healthier respect for his forefathers.
    • In his autobiography, King Jr. remembered his father leaving a shoe shop because he and his son were asked to change seats. He said, "This was the first time I had seen Dad so furious. That experience revealed to me at a very early age that my father had not adjusted to the system, and he played a great part in shaping my conscience. I still remember walking down the street beside him as he muttered, 'I don't care how long I have to live with this system, I will never accept it. ' "[4]
    • Another story related by King Jr. was that once the car his father was driving was stopped by a police officer, and the officer addressed the senior King as "boy". King pointed to his son, saying, "This is a boy, I'm a man; until you call me one, I will not listen to you."
    • King Jr. became an associate pastor at Ebenezer in 1948, and his father wrote a letter of recommendation for him to attend the Crozer Theological Seminary in Chester, Pennsylvania. King Sr. also made arrangement for King Jr. to work with J. Pius Barbour, a family friend who pastored at Calvary Baptist Church in Chester.[5] Despite theological differences, father and son would later serve together as joint pastors at the church.
    • King was a major figure in the Civil Rights Movement in Georgia, where he rose to become the head of the NAACP in Atlanta and the Civic and Political League. He led the fight for equal teachers' salaries in Atlanta. He also played an instrumental role in ending Jim Crow laws in the state. King had refused to ride on Atlanta's bus system since the 1920s after a vicious attack on black passengers with no action against those responsible. King stressed the need for an educated, politically active black ministry.
    • In October 1960, when King Jr. was arrested at a peaceful sit-in in Atlanta, Robert F. Kennedy, brother and aide to the Democratic presidential nominee John F. Kennedy, telephoned the judge and helped secure his release. Although King Sr. had previously opposed John Kennedy because he was a Catholic,[citation needed ] he expressed his appreciation for these calls and switched his support to Kennedy. At this time, King had been a lifelong registered Republican, and had endorsed Republican Richard Nixon.[citation needed ]
    • King Jr. soon became a popular civil rights activist. Taking inspiration from Mohandas Gandhi of India, he led nonviolent protests in order to win greater rights for African Americans.
    • King Jr. was shot and killed in 1968. King Sr.'s youngest son, Alfred Daniel Williams King, died of an accidental drowning on July 21, 1969, nine days before his 39th birthday.
    • In 1969, King was one of several members of the Morehouse College board of trustees held hostage on the campus by a group of students demanding reform in the school's curriculum and governance. One of the students was Samuel L. Jackson, who was suspended for his actions. Jackson subsequently became an actor and Academy Award nominee.[6]
    • King played a notable role in the nomination of Jimmy Carter as the Democratic candidate for President in the 1976 election. After Carter's success in the Iowa caucus, the New Hampshire primary and the Florida primary, some liberal Democrats were worried about his success and began an "ABC" ("Anyone But Carter") movement to try to head off his nomination. King pointed to Carter's leadership in ending the era of segregation in Georgia and helping to repeal laws restricting voting which especially disenfranchised African Americans. With King's support, Carter continued to build a coalition of black and white voters and win the nomination. King delivered the invocation at the 1976 and 1980 Democratic National Conventions. King was also a member of Omega Psi Phi.
    • Murder of wife [ edit ] King Sr.'s wife and King Jr.'s mother, Alberta, was murdered by Marcus Wayne Chenault on Sunday, June 30, 1974, at the Ebenezer Baptist Church during Sunday services. Chenault was a 23-year-old black man from Ohio who stood up and yelled, "You are serving a false god", and began to fire from two pistols while Alberta was playing "The Lord's Prayer" on the church organ.[7] Upon capture, the assassin disclosed that his intended target was Martin Luther King Sr., who was elsewhere that Sunday. After failing to see Mr. King Sr., the killer instead fatally shot Alberta King and Rev. Edward Boykin.[8] Chenault stated that he was driven to murder after concluding that "black ministers were a menace to black people" and that "all Christians are his enemies".[9]
    • Later life and death [ edit ] With his son's widow, Coretta Scott King, King was present when President Carter awarded a Presidential Medal of Freedom to King Jr. posthumously in 1977. In 1980, he published his autobiography. King died of a heart attack at the Crawford W. Long Hospital in Atlanta on November 11, 1984, at age 84.
    • He was interred next to his wife Alberta at the South View Cemetery in Atlanta.[10]
    • In film [ edit ] In the Hour of Chaos is a 2016 American documentary drama written and directed by Bayer Mack (The Czar of Black Hollywood), which tells the story of King Sr.'s rise from an impoverished childhood in the violent backwoods of Georgia to become patriarch of one of the most famous and tragedy-plagued families in history.[11] From The Huffington Post:
    • The documentary weaves strands of three stories into one. The underpinnings of the documentary are the events of the time '-- everything from the Atlanta Riots and the disenfranchisement of blacks throughout the South to the era of prohibition and war time. Over this background, there are two more stories '-- that of Daddy King and the story of Daddy's influence on Martin Jr.[12]
    • Part one of In the Hour of Chaos aired on public television in early 2016 and the full film was released online July 1, 2016.
    • See also [ edit ] Martin Luther King III, one of King's grandsons.References [ edit ] ^ "King, Martin Luther (Michael) Sr". Kinginstitute.stanford.edu . Retrieved December 3, 2019 . ^ King, Martin Luther, Jr. (1992). Carson, Clayborne; Luker, Ralph E.; Russell, Penny A.; Harlan, Louis R. (eds.). The Papers of Martin Luther King, Jr., Volume I: Called to Serve, January 1929 '' June 1951. University of California Press. pp. 30''31. ISBN 0-520-07950-7. ^ Brown, Deneen L. (January 15, 2019). "The story of how Michael King Jr. became Martin Luther King Jr". Washington Post . Retrieved January 20, 2019 '' via stltoday.com. ^ Chapter 1: Early Years Archived July 16, 2007, at the Wayback Machine. The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr. ^ Baldwin, Lewis V. (1991). There Is a Balm in Gilead: The Cultural Roots of Martin Luther King, Jr. Minneapolis: Fortress Publishing. pp. 281''282. ISBN 0-8006-2457-2 . Retrieved July 5, 2018 . ^ Thespian Net. Samuel L. Jackson. Retrieved April 24, 2007. ^ Burns, Rebecca (June 28, 2012). "The murder of Alberta King". Atlanta Magazine . Retrieved September 5, 2015 . ^ Boykin II, James M. (June 24, 2015). "Church shooting evokes memories, prayers and more letters to the editors". Times Free Press . Retrieved September 5, 2015 . ^ DeLaney, Paul (July 8, 1974). "Suspect Believed in Religious Hate". Milwaukee Journal . Retrieved September 5, 2015 . ^ Bo Emerson (January 31, 2018). "Martin Luther King Jr.'s Atlanta: Other historic sites". Atlanta Journal-Constitution . Retrieved December 22, 2018 . ^ "In the Hour of Chaos". January 15, 2016 . Retrieved April 16, 2018 '' via www.imdb.com. ^ Kelly, Kate (January 18, 2016). "Daddy King's Story Told in New Documentary" . Retrieved April 16, 2018 . Further reading [ edit ] David Collins (1986) Not Only Dreamers: the story of Martin Luther King Sr. and Martin Luther King Jr. (Elgin, Ill: Brethren Press) ISBN 978-0-87178-612-8Rev. Martin Luther King Sr. (1980) Daddy King: an Autobiography (New York: William Morrow & Co.) ISBN 978-0-688-03699-7Mary-Anne Coupell (1985) Martin Luther King Jr.'s Whole Life, (Beijing: Brethren Press)Murray M. Silver, Esq. (2009) Daddy King and Me: Memories of the Forgotten Father of the Civil Rights Movement, (Savannah, Ga., Continental Shelf Publishers) ISBN 978-0-9822583-2-3Speeches, movements, and protests
    • Media
    • FilmTelevisionPlaysIllustratedMusicRelated

• Music in this episode
  • Intro: Christopher Williams - I'm Dreaming
  • Outro: New Birth - Dream Merchant

• Donate to the show at moefundme.com

• Search for us in your podcast directory or use this link to subscribe to the feed

• Podcast Feed

• For more information: MoeFactz.com