No Agenda Episode 858 - "Bite Work"

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No Agenda Episode 858 - "Bite Work"
  No Agenda Episode 858 - "Bite Work"
    Bite Work
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  Credits
    Bite Work
    Where The C Stands For
    Executive Producers: David Prince, Sir Brian of Douglaston, David Killian
    Associate Executive Producers: Sir John Noonan, Sir David Fugazzotto, Sir Sean Regalado of the Adirondacks, Larry Coates
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    Knights & Dames: John Noonan -> Sir John Noonan, Sean Regalado -> Sir Sean of the Adirondacks
    Titles: Sir David Fugazzotto -> Baronet
    Art By: Nick the Rat
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  Cover Art
    Art By: Nick the Rat
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    TODAY
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      UT Game, no Über
      Austin's Ridesharing Chickens Come Home to Roost on Disaster Weekend
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 01:37
        By Matt Mackowiak
        Advocates for ridesharing companies (known as Transportation Network Companies, or TNCs) warned about the apocalypse that would hit Austin without TNCs and we finally saw that unfold this weekend.
        Austin's special rules received their first real stress test when Notre Dame came to town for a nationally televised game and we can finally see that the emperor has no clothes. It was undeniably an unmitigated disaster.
        My wife and I tried to get a ride from the Mueller area to campus four hours before the game, and three new startup apps, RideAustin, Fasten, and Wingz, not only had no available drivers, but their apps could not handle demand and failed. And that was at 2pm. After an hour of waiting and hoping, we texted a friend, a former Uber/Lyft driver, who came and picked us up and drove us in for $20.
        By the time the game began, more than 102,000 people filed in to Darrell K. Royal Memorial Stadium. By game's end, many thousands of attendees were stranded when the final whistle blew. I'm sure we have all heard the same thing. It was total chaos when the game ended at 10:30pm when thousands of people tried to find a ride home.
        Everyone now knows the ballot initiative had nothing to do with safety. If it did, the city would have required fingerprinting from day one. It had everything to do with local political operatives demonstrating THEY control local Austin politics. It was muscle flexing for the political class at its worst. Can anyone honestly tell us that we are safer?
        What did the Austin political machine actually deliver to the people of Austin? A less livable city, longer wait times for pickups (if they happen at all), more drunk drivers on the road, less ability for people to earn extra cash and tens of thousands of fans and visitors to our city wandering downtown streets at 11pm on the Sunday night of a three day weekend. A friend of mine waited for a taxi downtown at 1am for more than an hour on Sunday night. Because of this situation, many Austinites will rightly feel that our downtown streets are as unsafe as they have ever been.
        Last week the Texas A&M Transportation Institute informed the legislature of the success that 35 states already have been regulating this industry for background checks, insurance and other elements for success for consumers and drivers. This same information was available to the Mayor and the Austin City Council and they chose to ignore best practices and take the road less traveled with no consideration for the quality of service being provided to our city. It's objectively failing.
        With each passing day, this problem will exacerbate itself. I really appreciate Andy Tryba, of RideAustin, for his honesty and transparency about their challenges relating to scale. This weekend they did over 17,000 rides, a new record, but they were simultaneously unable to service over 2,500 rides because demand was outpacing the drivers on the road. It would be valuable to know when those rides were being requested, because midnight is a lot different than 2pm. Think about 2,500 people walking around looking for a safe ride!
        Here's what really struck me. Andy said that ''the more friction you put on driver signup (whether that be government instituted or company driven), the longer it takes drivers to (get) on board and many drop out of the funnel.''
        I think this is where the rubber meets the road. RideAustin, with all of their deep relationships at city hall and their pursuit of 'saving rideshare in Austin', is waving the warning flag. Getting drivers signed up and driving is a big concern.
        The rest of Texas is getting it done. Dallas and Fort Worth get it. San Antonio gets it. El Paso, San Marcos and Midland get it. Their citizens are benefitting from ridesharing every day and every weekend.
        Can we just get back to the table and find a path out of this embarrassing mess? It was better before and it's about to get worse, with four more home football games, Formula One, two weekends of ACL Festival all this fall, and then three weeks of SXSW in March.
        Austin was safer before the city needlessly forced Uber and Lyft to leave our city.
        The city wants to you believe there are more options on the table and that it's better. Clearly that isn't the case.
        Consumers should be able to choose who they want to ride with. This past weekend was totally unacceptable.
        Do you feel safer?
        Matt Mackowiak is syndicated columnist, an Austin-based Republican consultant, and a former Capitol Hill and Bush administration aide.
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    PR
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    Elections 2016
      Hillary Clinton Coughs Up Mysterious Green Substance Into Water During Cleveland Rally - YouTube
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Wed, 07 Sep 2016 04:27
      POLLEN COUNT IN CLEVELAND WAS GREEN-#HackingHillary Coughs Out Another Media Hoax
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Tue, 06 Sep 2016 04:55
        Sick Hillary Clinton had a coughing spell on stage today in Cleveland, Ohio. She claimed it was ''allergies,'' which her stooges in the mainstream media dutifully reported. This was a media hoax.
        The pollen count in Cleveland was ''green'' today, that is, there was nothing in the air to trigger allergies.First of all it's silly to claim a deep cough is caused by allergies, as people with allergies have runny eyes and sneeze. However, a basic fact-check confirms that Cleveland was allergen-free today.
        Pollen count in Cleveland is low today, allergies do not explain coughing fit.
        Media lied!#HackingHillarypic.twitter.com/9xnd9XVPqI
        '-- Mike Cernovich (@Cernovich) September 5, 2016
        Sick Hillary has had many coughing fits.Sick Hillary has had many coughing fits, including while indoors. Did she have allergies all of these times, too?
        Sick Hillary's cough is due to Parkinson's Disease.Today's coughing fit more proof that sick Hillary has Parkinson's. #HackingHillarypic.twitter.com/GoEomZYBKG
        '-- Mike Cernovich (@Cernovich) September 5, 2016
        Hillary Clinton's Health | Mike Cernovich and Stefan MolyneuxHillary's Health: What They're NOT Telling You
        Hillary's Health problems go back to at least 2009 and include dizzy spells, falling down, and memory problems.Hillary's Health was a problem as far back as 2009.Hillary Clinton's health was a serious concern among friends as far back as 2009, recent emails obtained through a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit reveal.
        Disgraced ''journalist'' Sidney Blumenthal reached out to Hillary, who had apparently fallen down due to exhaustion.
        ''Hope you are resting comfortably. Please take this as an excuse to get much needed rest,'' Blumenthal advised.
        Many people had not contacted Hillary as she was hiding ''behind a wall.''
        The email concluded, ''Get well.''
        In another email, sick Hillary tells her aide Huma Abedin (who was recently revealed to have ties to an anti-gay, pro-terrorism journal) that she is too exhausted to take a bus and instead must be flown via Air Force Once.
        Hillary's longtime and her most trusted ally, Huma Abedin, emailed staff to warn them that Hillary is often confused. This was revealed during the Clinton email scandal. The often-confused Hillary Clinton has also had ''short circuits'' live on camera. Something is going on, and the media won't cover it.
        Hillary falls down while boarding an air plane (in 2011).
        Hillary needs help walking up the stairs.
        Hillary sought advice from NFL officials after suffering a concussion from her stroke.Even the liberal, anti-Trump Daily Beast asked questions about Hillary's health.
        Hillary Clinton Aide Sought NFL Concussion Advice After Boss Fell After Hillary Clinton fainted and hit her head in 2012, her press aide reached out to NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell, among others, for advice as to how to deal with the negative press.
        Hillary Clinton wears special ''prism'' glasses as she suffers spells of dizziness.
        Hillary had a seizure while talking to reporters.
        Hillary has a seizure at the DNC.
        Hillary short-circuits at a rally, has to be hypnotized back into giving her speech.
        Hillary has coughing fits that last several minutes.
        Hillary has a hole in her tongue, which some say is signs she has a cancer biopsy.
        Hillary has not given a press conference in over 250 days.Hillary hasn't given a press conference in over 250 days.
        She is getting a free pass.
        The media has even claimed Hillary's health is off-limits.
        Read my two other Pulitzer-worthy articles on Hillary's health:
        Clearly Hillary has severe health problems, and I will continue to investigate these issues.You can join the fight.
        Hillary Clinton Has Parkinson's Disease, Physician ConfirmsHillary's health is declining, as anyone who has looked at her can see. The question is: What condition does she have? A board certified Anesthesiologist has written a memo of Hillary's health. Feel free to pass it along to doctors and to analytics and criticize it.
        UPDATE! The doctor who wrote this has agreed to give up his anonymity. Here is a video summary of his findings.
        Hillary Clinton's Probable Diagnosis(Download the PDF here, share with doctors for their opinion.)
        Intro:Hillary Clinton (HRC) has suffered a variety of health issues. Unfortunately, she has declined to make her medical records public. In July of 2015 her personal physician released a letter asserting her ''excellent physical condition.'' Unfortunately, multiple later episodes recorded on video strongly suggest that the content of the letter is incorrect. This discussion is designed to sort through the known facts and propose a possible medical explanation for these events. In keeping with Occam's Razor, a single explanation that covers everything is preferred.
        History of Hillary's Health:In 2009, HRC fell and broke her elbow. Little else was made public.[i]On December 17, 2012, while Secretary of State, HRC fell and suffered a concussion.[ii] Later, a transverse sinus thrombosis was diagnosed, resulting in chronic anticoagulation therapy. [iii] Her post-concussion syndrome was declared ''recovered'' in about six months.[iv] The original fall was publicly attributed to dehydration following gastroenteritis.An email from Huma Abedin (HRC's closest advisor) on January 26, 2013, says that HRC ''is often confused.''[v]Photos show being assisted up what appears to be the steps of a residential porch. This apparently happened in February of 2016. On August 4, 2016, Reuters and Getty published the photos.[vi]At a rally on May 2, 2016, HRC demonstrates classic PD hand posturing.[vii] She has no lectern in front, so she starts with her right hand pressed against her chest. At the 18:02 mark, she starts gesturing with her right hand, which is in a very unnatural position that is common in PD.On July 21, 2016 HRC was filmed talking to reporters at close range when several spoke at once. Without warning, she started a bizarre head-bobbing episode that must be seen rather than described. After several cycles, she regained control and declared that the reporters ''must try the iced chai.''[viii]On July 28, 2016, during the balloon drop, HRC suddenly looks up with a frozen wide-mouth and wide-eyed stare. After a couple of seconds she regains control and a more normal expression.[ix]On August 5, HRC declared that she had ''short circuited''[x] a response to Chris Wallace in an interview that aired July 31 on Fox News Sunday.[xi]August 6, 2016, at a campaign rally, HRC freezes with wide eyes in response to protestors. A large black male who commonly accompanies her leans in and tells her ''It's OK. We're not going anywhere. Keep talking'...'' Shortly after, she laughs strangely and then says ''OK. Here we are. We'll keep talking.''[xii]Several recent photos show HRC with an inappropriately exaggerated wide-mouthed smile and extreme wide-open eyes. Several videos show her laughing inappropriately and for extended periods. Numerous events have been interrupted by prolonged episodes of coughing unrelated to any infectious cause.This discussion will not argue that the black male is carrying a diazepam injector, since there is a plausible argument that it is actually a small flashlight, and is seen in other video to be such. We will also not discuss the circular area on her tongue. It appears to be the site of a mass excision. Benign explanations that do not bear on chronic health issues may easily be proffered.Discussion:The HRC campaign meme is that ''there's nothing to see here.''But numerous trained observers have noted multiple other, more subtle bits that strongly support the argument below.
        After the 2012 fall, HRC had post-concussion syndrome (PCS). She should have declared herself unable to fulfill her duties as Secretary of State. Her resignation from the position shortly thereafter may have satisfied this need without public medical discussion. If no other questionable medical signs had appeared, this discussion would end here. But the other events and signs point to a single cause for the fall, and it is not the public explanation. Further, HRC's statement early in her tenure as Secretary of State that she would serve only four years can be read in the context of a progressive disease that was known as she assumed the post.
        It is the premise of this discussion the HRC is most likely suffering from Parkinson's Disease (PD).It explains every one of the items listed above. Further, since it is a diagnosis primarily made by observation, the video record is sufficient to create a high degree of certainty.
        The 2009 fall where HRC broke her elbow suggests that she had working protective reflexes, and her arm took the brunt of the fall. But three years later, she had a catastrophic fall where her reflexes were unable to help her. It is notable that this fall took place at home, where she would have been unstressed and in a familiar setting. Failing reflexes are common in PD. Poor balance is also common in PD, and a fall without working protective reflexes is a prescription for head injury. Her subsequent concerns with transverse sinus thrombosis are plausibly related to the fall. Her need for fresnel lens glasses also fits with post-concussion syndrome.
        Huma Abedin's email comment can be referring to PCS as well, since it was during the six-month period of rehab. One must, however, be cautious not to overlook persistent cognitive problems that PCS can have. (Editorial note: The reader will note that this discussion is giving the benefit of the doubt to as many HRC memes as can reasonably earn it.)
        2016 starts a spate of new data. The photos of HRC being helped up the steps is consistent with a fall similar to 2012, but with a security detail close enough to catch her before she fell to the ground. This matches the loss of reflexes and balance with PD.
        On July 21 a video of HRC is posted that has many observers calling a ''seizure.''We should note the setting. She is answering questions, and then multiple reporters call out at the same time. Such a shock is often too much stress for a PD patient, and the patient suffers an ''on/off'' episode. Higher control turns off and an unpredictable dyskinesia takes over. Shortly she switches back ''on'' and regains control. Her mind froze during the ''off'' state, but was aware, so she is able to speak again, but inappropriately.
        It should be noted that such dyskinesias are sufficiently common with long term treatment that they have a name: Parkinson's Disease LevoDopa Induced Dyskinesia (PD LID).
        A week later, during the balloon drop at the Convention, HRC suddenly ''freezes.'' This is an ''off'' moment manifested by bradykinesia, another PD problem. The particular form is a brief oculogyric crisis, complete with head arched back, fixed gaze, and wide open mouth. Again, this is common in PD. We should compare it to HRC's facial expressions on ''Live with Kelly and Michael'' on November 19, 2015.[xiii] At 6:30 in that video, we also see a PD tremor and posture in her left hand when it comes to rest momentarily. In most videos her hands are in constant motion or clasped against some object. These are strategies to suppress a tremor.
        HRC's description of her false answers to Chris Wallace as a ''short circuit'' is extremely unusual.It comes from the field of electronics, in which HRC has never been involved. The Urban Dictionary definition is electrical, and there is no popular or slang usage. But one semi-technical description of PD calls it ''short-circuiting'' brain circuits.[xiv] Did she hear this during a doctor's explanation of her disease? It would not be unusual to parrot such a phrase if she has PD.
        Days later, HRC ''freezes'' again at a campaign rally. This ''off'' state is like the others, triggered by a startle/stress reaction. But what is more telling is that the security detail gives her specific instructions in an attempt to get her to turn ''on'' again. She then parrots those exact words as she restarts. This is another PD sign.
        The numerous episodes of prolonged coughing are another tell. Swallowing disorders are very common in PD. They can lead to aspiration pneumonia, the most common cause of death in PD. But before that they lead to chronic difficulty swallowing saliva. It gets onto the vocal cords, leading to coughing in an attempt to clear them. The high frequency of these episodes strongly suggests a major swallowing disorder.
        Multiple episodes of inappropriate and extended laughter have also been documented. This, again, is common in PD.
        We do not have video evidence of the ''pill rolling'' tremor that is common in PD. But that is not a major concern for our thesis. Treatment with levodopa can reduce it. Also, PD sufferers develop a variety of techniques to hide it. Since it is a tremor at rest, keeping the hands in motion suppresses it. Grasping objects such as a lectern can also hide it. As long as the hands are busy, it is usually not visible.
        Summary:
        HRC probably has PD.She has had clinical symptoms for a minimum of 4 years, and probably much longer, given that the fall leading to her head injury required a significant progression of the disease. All of her bizarre physical actions since that time fit nicely into the spectrum of signs that we expect in PD. And since PD explains all of them, we have a high probability of a correct diagnosis. It has almost certainly been treated with levodopa. Some of her symptoms may be related to this drug treatment.
        It is most curious that all of the bizarre physical signs seem to be in 2016 videos. HRC was a public figure in 2015, with a lot of campaign work underway. Yet all of the oddities seem to be within the last several months. This suggests a significant progression of her PD. We also know that her contact with the public has been rigidly controlled. She has not done news conferences during the campaign. These would be highly stressful to a PD sufferer and would elicit many PD signs.
        PD is a chronic disease with a downhill prognosis. HRC's instability and frequent cough suggest that her PD is advanced. This is not a good outlook for someone running for the Presidency. The office of the President is one of the highest stress jobs in the world. Stress sets off PD episodes, which render the sufferer incapable of proper response.
        At this point, a bit of speculation seems appropriate. HRC talks about her yoga sessions. But no one we know of has ever documented one. It is possible that this is cover for sessions designed to teach her coping mechanisms for PD or for rest breaks. Exhaustion makes PD worse.
        HRC's coughing suggests that her swallowing disorder is advanced, placing her closer to an aspiration pneumonia that would disable or kill her. That's bad enough, but PD has one more, even more dangerous step in its progression.
        As PD continues, cognitive problems can develop. In time, they become full-blown dementia. The United States cannot survive if its President is mentally impaired.
        Conclusion:
        It is not appropriate for a physician to make a diagnosis at a distance. But since the evidence in the public record so strongly suggests that HRC has moderate to advanced PD, it is imperative that HRC release her complete medical record to an impartial panel of physicians for review. It is not necessary for the public at large to see them. Such a panel should be secure in its deliberations and should present a summary to the public. If she has PD, the panel would know and it would be made public. If not, then the air would clear.
        Note on authorship:
        The author of this document is a board-certified Anesthesiologist with 36 years of experience. That brings with it the ability to understand medical discussions, but not the expertise to evaluate PD signs and symptoms.
        The first subject matter expert is a close friend of the author. This person is a brilliant businessman who was forced to sell his interest in eight successful businesses because early onset PD made him unable to continue in the daily duties of business. He is well versed in PD and sees its ravages in himself.
        The second subject matter expert is the author's brother. He is an RN who spent two years working 12-hour shifts caring for PD patients in a nursing home. This saturation experience allows him to pick up PD signs automatically. He notes that he called HRC's PD and levodopa therapy when he watched the famous ''What difference does it make?'' exchange. Her mannerisms and behavior were classic and stereotypical.
        Of interest is that during a teleconference, the author called the others to look at HRC's left hand during the ''Live With Kelly and Michael'' video. The clip was played, and neither of the others even saw her hand. They were both riveted to her eyes, and both exclaimed that her eyes were ''classic PD.'' The clip had to be played a second and third time before they could even take their gaze away from her eyes. They did finally see her hand and agree that it was also demonstrating PD.
        [i] http://blogs.wsj.com/washwire/2009/06/18/hillary-clinton-faces-surgery-for-broken-elbow/
        [ii] http://www.nydailynews.com/news/national/hillary-clinton-treated-concussion-fall-article-1.1220947
        [iii] https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/health-science/hillary-clintons-blood-clot-most-likely-in-a-leg-experts-say/2012/12/31/d2c853ea-5376-11e2-bf3e-76c0a789346f_story.html
        [iv] http://abcnews.go.com/blogs/politics/2014/05/hillary-clinton-took-6-months-to-get-over-concussion-bill-says-of-timeline/
        [v] http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3320900/Newly-released-email-shows-aide-Huma-Abedin-warned-colleagues-Hillary-confused-needed-hand-holding-calls-foreign-leaders.html
        [vi] http://www.breitbart.com/2016-presidential-race/2016/08/07/hillary-clinton-needs-help-getting-stairs/
        [vii] https://youtu.be/jkOUwIHUIgo
        [viii] http://thehill.com/blogs/ballot-box/presidential-races/283066-clinton-acts-startled-when-reporters-ask-about-warren-as
        [ix] http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/video-news/watch-hillary-clintons-amazing-reaction-to-the-dnc-balloon-drop-34922354.html
        [x] http://www.cnn.com/2016/08/05/politics/hillary-clinton-attacks-donald-trump-journalism/
        [xi] http://www.realclearpolitics.com/video/2016/07/31/full_interview_hillary_clinton_on_fox_news_sunday.html
        [xii] http://thelastgreatstand.com/2016/08/07/hillary-clinton-freezes-fear-secret-agents-says-keep-talking-video/
        [xiii] https://youtu.be/OKUi0sd1Ocg
        [xiv] Rodgers, R, PhD, Road to Recovery from Parkinson's Disease, ISBN 978-0-9819767-5-4, 2013, p. 94.
        Related
      WikiLeaks - Hillary Clinton Email Archive
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 20:58
        From: Sidney Blumenthal To: Hillary Clinton Date: 2011-10-19 05:24 Subject: URGENT INTEL POST-Q, INTERNAL NTC POLITICS. SIDUNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05783450 Date: 01/07/2016RELEASE IN PART B6From: sbwhoeop B6 Sent: Thursday, October 20, 2011 12:24 PM To: Subject: H: URGENT INTEL POST-Q INTERNAL NTC POLITICS. SID Attachments: hrc memo urgent latest Intel post q internal ntc 102011.docx CONFIDENTIAL October 20, 2011 For: Hillary From: Sid Re: Libya post-Q, internal politics NTC SOURCE: Sources with direct access to the Libyan National Transitional Council, as well as the highest levels of European Governments, and Western Intelligence and security services. 1. Late in the day on October 20, 2011, the interim President of Libya Mustafa Abdel Jalil received reports from General Abdel Hakim Alamin Belhaj in Tripoli, as well as Hassan Ali al-Darwa, the National Transitional Council (NTC) leader for the City of Sirte, stating that former Libyan leader Muammar al Qaddafi had been killed during fighting in that city. Shortly after these messages arrived NTC Prime Minister Mahmoud Jibril began discussions with the Jalil's representatives regarding the formation of a new interim government. Jibril had notified Jalil on October 9 that he intended to step down once Sirte fell, and that Jalil should form a new interim government of national unity to manage the country until elections can be held, perhaps as early as May 2012. 2. According to sensitive sources, Jalil and other senior officials of the NTC believe that Jibril's withdrawal from the scene will allow them to take the difficult decisions needed to stabilize the country prior to any elections. In the opinion of these knowledgeable individuals, while Jibril gave the NTC credibility during the early days of the revolution, he became increasingly reluctant to take any decisive action, particularly regarding the formation of an interim government, and negation of new contracts with foreign firms involved with the oil sector in Libya. This reluctance to act also delayed the UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05783450 Date: 01/07/2016 arrival of foreign companies interested in providing humanitarian aid. These humanitarian aid projects are being coordinated by a senior NTC official, Moin Mohammad Kikhia, who was extremely frustrated with Jibril's failure to resolve questions involving foreign contracts that have been negotiated and, in some cases, signed by NTC representatives in other countries. According to these individuals, Jibril is concerned about involving himself in foreign commercial contracts that might leave him open to charges of corruption. Kikhia argued that the need for medical and other humanitarian assistance transcended these rather vague concerns. He also argued that waiting for foreign governments to provide a sufficient degree of humanitarian aid could lead to disaster, as the Libyan people become increasingly frustrated with the lack of action on the part of the NTC. 3.According to knowledgeable individuals, Jibril's close advisor Aref Ali Nayed may also leave his position in the NTC regime. Aref is a senior diplomat, who, while based in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), oversaw foreign commercial dealings and the stabilization activities of the NTC between February and September 2011. Aref is seen by many NTC members as a roadblock to dealings with foreign firms, reflecting Jibril's caution in these matters. This NTC frustration is focused on Aref s reluctance to bring in foreign commercial firms to provide desperately needed humanitarian aid. In one case the U.S. firm Osprey Global Supply has been waiting since May 2011 for approval to provide emergency hospital and battlefield medical support. These sources believe that Kikhia will now conclude these agreements, and begin to bring needed medical and humanitarian aid to Tripoli and other parts of the country. 4. (Source Comment: Speaking in strict confidence, sources with direct access to the NTC leadership stated that the NTC Finance and Oil minister, All Tarhouni, is also meeting with Jalil to discuss how to improve the functioning of the various parts of the banking and oil industries, working with foreign financial institutions and energy companies. Tarhouni is supporting the idea that Libya needs a separate Oil Ministry to focus on bringing some order to the chaotic situation in that sector. However, Jibril had resisted making a decision on this point, asking Tarhouni to handle both portfolios until the military situation was resolved. This same source added that while Tarhouni is frustrated by Jibril, the two are linked as academics with international experience, and it is possible that Tarhouni may be forced out as well. In the opinion of this source, Jalil will do everything he can to keep Tarhouni and his team in place, at least until national elections in mid-2012. According to this individual, Jalil sees Tarhouni as the type of technocrat he will need to negotiate the foundation of a new government, at a time when tribal and regional interests are beginning to pull at the unity of the NTC.) 5. A separate sensitive source added that in their opinion, Belhaj presents a serious threat to the effort to form a national government. This individual believes that as commander of NTC forces in much of the western part of the country, Belhaj has established relationships with civilian and militia leaders in Misrata, Zintan, and the Nafsurah Mountains. This source adds that at present the Misrata militia carries the bulk of the fighting in Sirte, and in the hours following Qaddafi's death the Misrata Council (within the NTC) has been making announcements without coordination, sounding as if they are the National Government. These statements are particularly worrisome to Jalil and Jibril. UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05783450 Date: 01/07/2016 6. (Source Comment: According to these knowledgeable individuals, Nuri Berruien, the Chairman of the Board of Directors of the National Oil Company (NOC), is in close contact with Tarhouni. Berruien is concerned that new agreements made between the NOC and foreign oil/energy firms must be honored as they try to bring oil production up to the levels seen before the revolution began in February 2011. Tarhouni is communicating these concerns to Jalil and Jibril, pointing out that in these chaotic days following the death of Qaddafi it is vital that the NTC establish a stable interim government, aiming toward elections in May 2011. Without this stability Tarhouni is convinced that the Libyan economy will be damaged for years to come, particularly as Western firms and governments look for reassurance regarding their ability to work in Libya with a degree of safety for their personnel and facilities.)
      Revelation 16:13 Then I saw three impure spirits that looked like frogs; they came out of the mouth of the dragon, out of the mouth of the beast and out of the mouth of the false prophet.
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Wed, 07 Sep 2016 04:33
        New International VersionThen I saw three impure spirits that looked like frogs; they came out of the mouth of the dragon, out of the mouth of the beast and out of the mouth of the false prophet.New Living TranslationAnd I saw three evil spirits that looked like frogs leap from the mouths of the dragon, the beast, and the false prophet.English Standard VersionAnd I saw, coming out of the mouth of the dragon and out of the mouth of the beast and out of the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits like frogs.Berean Study BibleAnd I saw three unclean spirits that looked like frogs, coming from the mouths of the dragon, the beast, and the false prophet.Berean Literal BibleAnd I saw coming out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits, like frogs;New American Standard BibleAnd I saw coming out of the mouth of the dragon and out of the mouth of the beast and out of the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits like frogs;King James BibleAnd I saw three unclean spirits like frogs come out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet.Holman Christian Standard BibleThen I saw three unclean spirits like frogs coming from the dragon's mouth, from the beast's mouth, and from the mouth of the false prophet.International Standard VersionThen I saw three disgusting spirits like frogs come out of the mouth of the dragon, out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet. NET BibleThen I saw three unclean spirits that looked like frogs coming out of the mouth of the dragon, out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet.New Heart English BibleI saw coming out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits, something like frogs;Aramaic Bible in Plain EnglishAnd I saw from the mouth of The Dragon and from the mouth of The Beast and from the mouth of The False Prophet, three foul spirits like frogs,GOD'S WORD® TranslationThen I saw three evil spirits like frogs come out of the mouths of the serpent, the beast, and the false prophet.New American Standard 1977And I saw coming out of the mouth of the dragon and out of the mouth of the beast and out of the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits like frogs;Jubilee Bible 2000And I saw three unclean spirits like frogs come out of the mouth of the dragon and out of the mouth of the beast and out of the mouth of the false prophet.King James 2000 BibleAnd I saw three unclean spirits like frogs come out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet.American King James VersionAnd I saw three unclean spirits like frogs come out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet.American Standard VersionAnd I saw coming out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits, as it were frogs:Douay-Rheims BibleAnd I saw from the mouth of the dragon, and from the mouth of the beast, and from the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits like frogs. Darby Bible TranslationAnd I saw out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits, as frogs;English Revised VersionAnd I saw coming out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits, as it were frogs:Webster's Bible TranslationAnd I saw three unclean spirits like frogs come out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet.Weymouth New TestamentThen I saw three foul spirits, resembling frogs, issue from the mouth of the Dragon, from the mouth of the Wild Beast, and from the mouth of the false Prophet.World English BibleI saw coming out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits, something like frogs;Young's Literal Translationand I saw come out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits like frogs --16:12-16 This probably shows the destruction of the Turkish power, and of idolatry, and that a way will be made for the return of the Jews. Or, take it for Rome, as mystical Babylon, the name of Babylon being put for Rome, which was meant, but was not then to be directly named. When Rome is destroyed, her river and merchandise must suffer with her. And perhaps a way will be opened for the eastern nations to come into the church of Christ. The great dragon will collect all his forces, to make one desperate struggle before all be lost. God warns of this great trial, to engage his people to prepare for it. These will be times of great temptation; therefore Christ, by his apostle, calls on his professed servants to expect his sudden coming, and to watch that they might not be put to shame, as apostates or hypocrites. However Christians differ, as to their views of the times and seasons of events yet to be brought to pass, on this one point all are agreed, Jesus Christ, the Lord of glory, will suddenly come again to judge the world. To those living near to Christ, it is an object of joyful hope and expectation, and delay is not desired by them.
      Christine C. Quinn Named New President & CEO of Win - Win
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        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 02:23
        FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
        CHRISTINE C. QUINN NAMED NEW PRESIDENT AND CEO OF WIN
        Former NYC City Council Speaker to Take Helm of Leading Nonprofit Serving 11,600 Homeless Families Each Year
        (NEW YORK) '' September 17, 2015 '-- Christine C. Quinn was named President and CEO of Win today, the largest nonprofit serving homeless women and their families in New York City. The appointment is effective November 2, 2015.
        Quinn is an accomplished leader with more than 20 years of experience in public service focused on improving the lives of New Yorkers. As the former Speaker of the New York City Council and a long-time Council Member, she has been widely recognized as one of the most influential elected officials in New York City history and a leader in housing and homeless advocacy. Most recently, she served as Special Advisor to New York Governor Andrew Cuomo where she helped lead the successful effort to pass the country's toughest law addressing rape and sexual assault on college campuses. Quinn was a resident at Harvard University's prestigious Institute of Politics during the Spring 2015 semester. Following her tenure as the first woman and first LBGT Speaker of the New York City Council, she spearheaded the creation of the Women's Equality Party, the first women's party in modern American history. She presently serves on the Board of Directors of Athlete Ally, an organization committed to eradicating homophobia and transphobia from sports, and on the Board of NARAL Pro Choice NY. Quinn began her career in New York as a tenant and housing organizer, running the Association for Neighborhood and Housing Development's Housing Justice Campaign.
        Quinn will succeed current President and CEO Bonnie Stone, who announced her plans to retire this year after more than 15 years at the helm of Win and a remarkable 40-year career in public service and nonprofits.
        ''After a careful search involving many highly qualified candidates, I am proud today to welcome Christine Quinn as the next President and CEO of Win. Christine is uniquely positioned to lead the organization at a time when so many of New York's homeless families need our help. We are fortunate to have such a superb leader and advocate for women and children join us,'' said Win Board Chair Jaqui Lividini. ''We are grateful to Bonnie for giving Win every ounce of her wisdom, energy and commitment. Without her vision and her passion for helping others, Win would not have been able to transform the lives of so many women and children over the past 15 years.''
        Quinn has an exemplary record of public service. As a former community and tenant organizer, anti-violence/crime victims advocate and the second most powerful elected official in New York City, she was responsible for creating thousands of new jobs, balancing the City budget while protecting and expanding vital City services and improving access to health care and early childhood education. She has a long and rich history advocating women, families, and the homeless in New York City.
        ''I am honored to have been selected as the next leader of this extraordinary organization that plays a pivotal role in helping so many vulnerable New Yorkers get back on their feet,'' said Quinn. ''The City's homelessness crisis requires thoughtful policy, the right mix of supportive housing and holistic social services initiatives and collaboration between public and private entities. I will work hard to ensure that Win continues to develop and deliver the most effective programs and services to the people who need them most. Now more than ever we need an all hands on deck approach to breaking the cycle of homelessness and I intend to bring everything I've got to help make that happen.''
        ''Christine Quinn is a terrific choice to guide Win successfully into the future,'' said Stone. ''She has the expertise and experience '' not to mention the brains and the brawn '' necessary to lead the charge on one of the most challenging issues facing the City today.''
        Quinn is a graduate of Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut. She and her wife, Kim Catullo, live in Chelsea.
        ABOUT WINSince 1983, Win has been transforming the lives of New York City homeless women and their children by providing the housing, programs and services they need to succeed on their own. With more than 1,400 units of shelter and 230 units of permanent supportive housing in several boroughs, Win provides shelter for more than 4,500 people every night, including 2,600 children. Win focuses on solutions for the many causes of homelessness by helping more than 11,600 people each year improve their job skills, life skills and personal health and by providing childcare, after school programs and a dedicated summer day camp program, Camp Win.
        # # #
      Christine Quinn to Lead Nonprofit Group for New York's Homeless Women and Children - NYTimes.com
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        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 02:18
        Christine C. Quinn, a former speaker of the New York City Council, has been named the leader of a nonprofit organization that is one of the city's largest providers of services to homeless women and children.
        Ms. Quinn's new job with Win, or Women in Need, plunges her into the public debate over homelessness, as Mayor Bill de Blasio, her onetime rival, isgrappling with a more visible homeless population and a shelter system with little room to spare.
        After reaching a record of nearly 60,000 people last winter, the homeless population in the city has dipped slightly, but that decline has done little to allay concerns among officials, social services organizations and others.
        As of Wednesday, 57,206 people, including more than 23,000 children, were in the city's shelter system, up from about 53,000 at the end of the administration of Mr. de Blasio's predecessor, Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg. Win's shelters, which are part of that system, house about 3,900 homeless women and children at 11 sites.
        In an interview, Ms. Quinn said that she was passionate about taking on such a high-profile role, but that she was also ''a little bit nervous.''
        The organization's charge stretches beyond traditional shelters. By helping women with employment, education and other needs, the group works to move women and their children into transitional housing and eventually permanent housing. ''That is an awesome responsibility,'' she said.
        Although she was one of Mr. de Blasio's opponents in the 2013 Democratic mayoral primary, Ms. Quinn said she was looking forward to a more cooperative relationship in her new role. She said Mr. de Blasio and his administration appeared to be doing the best they could with a crisis ''they inherited and had on their doorstep on Day 1.''
        Ms. Quinn, who starts on Nov. 2, is replacing Bonnie Stone, who is retiring after leading the organization for about 15 years. Win would not immediately reveal Ms. Quinn's salary.
        The group has credited Ms. Stone with expanding the organization and increasing its funding levels. In 1983, Win and the Church of St. Mary the Virgin in Manhattan opened a shelter that housed four women and their six children. The organization now has 500 employees and 400 volunteers. It placed 750 families into permanent housing last year, and serves more than 11,600 people annually.
        Win has an estimated annual budget of $70 million. The bulk, about $54 million, comes from city funding, while it raises about $7.5 million in private donations. The remainder of its budget comes from a mix of state and federal funding.
        Ms. Stone, 70, has been long been a voice in finding solutions for homelessness. She previously served as deputy administrator of the city's Human Resources Administration and as a deputy assistant commissioner and a deputy commissioner of the city's health department, running the chief medical examiner's office.
        Ms. Stone and Jaqui Lividini, chairwoman of the Win board, described Ms. Quinn as a good fit for an organization looking to maintain and increase its funding as it seeks to create more affordable, permanent housing for women and children.
        Ms. Lividini said in an interview that Ms. Quinn was passionate about eradicating homelessness and knew how to navigate government.
        Ms. Stone, in her statement, called her successor ''a terrific choice to guide Win successfully into the future.''
        ''She has the expertise and experience, not to mention the brains and the brawn, necessary to lead the charge on one of the most challenging issues facing the city today,'' she added.
        Ms. Quinn has less experience dealing directly with homelessness, but as Council speaker she had an impact on the issue in 2011, when she led the panel in a successful lawsuit against Mr. Bloomberg. At that time, the Homeless Services Department had instituted a policy that required homeless single adults to prove they had nowhere else to go before the city would provide them shelter.
        Ms. Quinn said the action was ''wrongheaded'' of Mr. Bloomberg, a political independent, and added that she remained proud of her stance.
        Ms. Quinn left government after losing her mayoral bid in 2013, but she has continued to stay in the public eye as a special adviser on women's issues to Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat. She said she had been completing a fellowship at the Institute of Politics at Harvard University when she heard that the Win job would be opening up, and she had been subsequently contacted by a headhunter.
        She has come full circle with the new post, she said, because her first job was as a housing organizer for poor and homeless people. She said she first encountered Win in the early 1990s as chief of staff to Councilman Thomas K. Duane, who had supported more city funding for the organization.
        Ms. Quinn said she was hoping to maintain the good work of Ms. Stone and her staff while focusing on a holistic approach to Win's clients. She said many of the women were escaping domestic violence, dealing with eviction, and handling other issues.
        ''Those are problems that don't disappear,'' she said. ''They don't disappear the moment you get a lease.''
      Christine Quinn - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 02:16
        Christine QuinnSpeaker of the New York City CouncilIn officeJanuary 1, 2006 '' December 31, 2013Preceded byGifford MillerSucceeded byMelissa Mark-ViveritoMember of the New York City Council from the 3rd districtIn officeNovember 2, 1999 '' December 31, 2013Preceded byThomas K. DuaneSucceeded byCorey JohnsonConstituencyManhattan: Chelsea, Greenwich Village, Midtown West, Times Square areaPersonal detailsBornChristine Callaghan Quinn(1966-07-25) July 25, 1966 (age 50)Glen Cove, New YorkPolitical partyDemocratWomen's Equality Party[1]Spouse(s)Kim Catullo (m. 2012)ResidenceChelsea, New York CityAlma materTrinity CollegeReligionRoman Catholic[2]WebsiteQuinn for New YorkChristine Callaghan Quinn (born July 25, 1966) is an American politician. A member of the Democratic Party, she formerly served as the Speaker of the New York City Council. The third person to hold this office, she is the first female and first openly gay speaker.[3][4] As City Council speaker, Quinn was New York City's third most powerful public servant, behind the mayor and public advocate. She ran to succeed Michael Bloomberg as the city's mayor in the 2013 mayoral election, but she came in third in the Democratic primary.
        Contents
        Early life, education, and early political careerEditQuinn was born in Glen Cove, New York, one of two daughters of Mary (n(C)e Callaghan) and Lawrence Quinn.[5] Her mother died of breast cancer in 1982. She went to School of the Holy Child in Old Westbury and graduated from Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut in 1988.[6] Her maternal grandmother, Ellen (n(C)e Shine) Callaghan, was a survivor of the sinking of the RMS Titanic.
        She served as head of the Housing Justice Campaign for the Association of Neighborhood and Housing Development. Quinn entered politics to manage the City Council campaign of Thomas Duane in 1991, after which she served as Duane's chief of staff for five years. She later became the executive director of the New York City Anti-Violence Project, and was appointed a member of the NYC Police/Community Relations Task Force by then-MayorRudy Giuliani.[7]
        New York City CouncilEditPre-SpeakerEditThe 3rd district covers the Manhattan neighborhoods Chelsea, Greenwich Village, and Hell's Kitchen, as well as parts of SoHo and Murray Hill. In 1999, she ran for the New York City Council's 3rd district in a special election. She became the Democratic nominee and defeated Republican Joseph Mauriello 89%-11%.[8]
        In 2001, she won re-election to her first full term, defeating Republican Michelle Bouchard 75%-25%.[9]
        In 2005, she won re-election to her third full term unopposed. [10] In 2009, she won re-election to her fifth full term with 81% of the vote. [11]
        Quinn served as chair of the Health Committee, during which she sponsored the Equal Benefits Bill and the Health Care Security Act, which requires that city contractors provide parity in benefits between married spouses and registered domestic partners. This and the Health Care Security Act, which ensures health care for grocery workers, were passed over Mayor Michael Bloomberg's veto.[12]
        Term-limits positionsEditIn 2008, Quinn backed Mayor Bloomberg on a bill that overturned a public vote from 1993, which had imposed a two-term limit for elected officials, and another vote in 1996 that maintained the two term limit, although Quinn had previously stated she would not support undermining term limits.[13] The Council voted to change term limits and allow the mayor, City Council members, and borough presidents to run for third terms, reversing the results of the two previous public referenda.[14] Bloomberg and Quinn both subsequently ran successfully for third terms.[15]
        The Public Advocate Betsy Gotbaum, among others, denounced this move. The following year, in June 2009, the City Council approved a 40% cut in the budget of the Public Advocate's Office. Gotbaum declared herself a victim of "political payback" because of her opposition to the changes in the term limits law,[16] a notion Quinn claimed was "ridiculous". All five candidates for Public Advocate showed up at city hall in June to protest the move,[17] and in 2010 New Yorkers again voted overwhelmingly to limit politicians to two consecutive terms.[18]
        Food stampsEditThe New York City Council under her leadership had led efforts to make Greenmarkets around the city accept food stamps.[19] She also opposed requiring applicants for food stamps to be electronically fingerprinted.[20]New York State stopped fingerprinting food-stamp recipients in 2007, however the practice continued in New York City under the Bloomberg administration.[20]
        Humanitarian effortsEditOn December 26, 2012, Quinn wrote a letter to President Obama formally requesting that he commute Jonathan Pollard's lifetime sentence for providing classified information to Israel. She wrote, "I know I share similar views with many past and current American elected officials" and "therefore, I respectfully urge you to use your constitutional power to treat Mr. Pollard the way others have been treated by our nation's justice system."[21][22][23]
        Position on St. Patrick's Day Parade, Ahmadinejad visitEditQuinn has been a vigorous LGBT advocate during her tenure in City Council. She boycotted the annual St. Patrick's Day parade in New York in 2006 due to the policy of the parade's sponsor, the Ancient Order of Hibernians, against gays marching openly. That same year, she tried unsuccessfully to broker a deal with the organizers to allow her to wear a gay pride pin.[24][25] Subsequently, she was named 2008 Irish American of the Year by the New York-based Irish Echo[26] and has boycotted the parade every year since, marching instead in St. Patrick's Day parades in other cities around the world.[27] On July 28, 2012 Quinn sent a letter demanding that the president of NYU end the university's relationship with Chick-Fil-A, taking issue with the stance of the company's CEO, Dan Cathy, regarding same-sex marriage.[28]
        Preceding the controversial lecture by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad at Columbia University in 2007, Quinn wrote to the school requesting that his invitation to speak be withdrawn due to the Iranian president's support of state-sponsored terrorism and hate speech, the latter particularly with regard to the Holocaust. Her request was denied.[29]
        Controversy around council fundsEditUnder New York City law, the City Council speaker has authority over the yearly city council funds, worth almost $400 million (in 2012), to distribute among 51 members.[30] The discretionary funding system sometimes referred to as the "slush fund" has been criticized in recent years, with some councilmembers alleging Quinn to have cut funding to their districts as a form of political retaliation. Quinn has repeatedly denied these allegations.[30]
        In April 2008 the New York Post revealed[31] that Quinn's office had appropriated millions of dollars to organizations that do not exist, and that the money was then secretly routed to organizations favored by individual council members. In a news conference that followed Quinn said, "I had no knowledge of it; I did not know this was the practice". Quinn said that she found out about it only a few months earlier, alerted authorities, and ordered staffers to stop the practice, but they did not listen.[32] Quinn hired a criminal defense lawyer to represent her in the federal and city investigations.[33]
        Records showed that nearly 25 percent of those "secret slush" funds went to organizations in Quinn's district, and that two of the biggest recipients of the funds had contributed to Quinn's 2009 mayoral run.[34] In September 2011, one of the city council's lawyers reported that the federal "investigation has been closed without taking up any action" but only after two councilmen were indicted at the cost of $100,000 to the city.[35]
        Committee assignmentsEdit2013 Mayoral ElectionEditOn March 10, 2013, after much speculation, she declared her run to become New York City's next mayor.[36] (Mayor Michael Bloomberg, the incumbent, was term limited and could not run again.) In the crowded, nine-candidate race for the Democratic nomination, Quinn was considered the front-runner early in the race.[37][38] However, her position faded as time went on and she came in third in the Democratic primary.[39] Quinn received 15.5% of the total votes cast, to Bill de Blasio's 40.3% and Bill Thompson's 26.2%.
        2017 Mayoral ElectionEditChristine Quinn has been discussed as a possible candidate to run against Bill de Blasio in 2017. [40]
        Post-council activitiesEditWomen's Equality PartyEditIn October 2014, she stumped for New York Governor Cuomo's Women's Equality Party. When asked about the Working Families Party's criticism of the creation of a competing progressive party line, she said "Change is hard."[41]
        BookEditIn 2013, her memoir, With Patience and Fortitude '' A Memoir, was published by William Morrow. It sold poorly, with the New York Times reporting only 100 copies sold its first week.[42]
        Women in NeedEditIn 2015, Quinn became President and CEO of Women in Need (Win), a nonprofit organization that is one of New York City's largest providers of services to homeless women and children. Win serves more than 11,600 people annually and placed 750 families into permanent housing last year. Since Quinn's first job was as a housing organizer for poor and homeless people, Quinn noted that she has come full-circle with her new role as leader of Win. Quinn said she was hoping to continue the good work of Win's previous longtime leader, Bonnie Stone, and use a holistic approach to help women facing domestic violence, eviction, and other issues.[43]
        Quinn resides in Chelsea, Manhattan, with her wife, Kim Catullo, a lawyer.[44][45] The couple married on May 19, 2012,[46] and spend their summer weekends at a home that they purchased in 2004 in Bradley Beach, New Jersey.[47] Her former partner, Laura Morrison,[48] was chief of staff to former State Senator Thomas Duane.
        She joined the board of Athlete Ally, an organization fighting homophobia in sports, in February 2014.[49]
        ^NY Observer: Christine Quinn Fails to Confront Rob Astorino in Midtown^'Who I Am': N.Y.C. Council Speaker On Politics, Faith^Chibbaro, Jr., Lou. "Most powerful" gay politician in the country, Washington Blade, January 20, 2006. Retrieved on 04-11-2007.^Clary, Greg (October 11, 2009), "Thousands march for gay rights in Washington", CNN, retrieved October 11, 2009 ^Dwyer, Jim (April 5, 2012). "Christine Quinn Retraces Grandmother's Trip on Titanic". The New York Times. ^"Christine C. Quinn profile". Nytimes.com. 2006-01-04. Retrieved 2011-12-01. ^"Member Bio". Council.nyc.gov. Retrieved 2013-07-25. ^"New York City Council 03 Special Race - Nov 02, 1999". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2014-03-15. ^"New York City Council 03 Race - Nov 06, 2001". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2014-03-15. ^"New York City Council 03 Race - Nov 08, 2005". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2014-03-15. ^"New York City Council 03 Race - Nov 03, 2009". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2014-03-15. ^Saltonstall, David (2006-02-15). "COURT TILTS TO MIKE. KOs gay-partner equal benefits statute and allows him to override Council laws". New York: NY Daily News. Retrieved 2013-07-25. ^"N.Y. City Council extends term limits for mayor, other officials". CNN. October 23, 2008. Retrieved February 28, 2013. ^Paybarah, Azi (October 12, 2008). "It's Official: Quinn Backs Bloomberg's Term Limits Plan". The Observer. Retrieved February 28, 2013. ^Rubenstein, Dana (October 25, 2012). "Betting that voters will still care about Christine Quinn's term-limits deal in 2013". Capital. Retrieved February 28, 2013. ^"N.Y. City Council extends term limits for mayor, other officials". New York Times. January 1, 2010. Retrieved February 28, 2013. ^Chen, David W. (June 23, 2009). "Rivals Unite to Protest Public Advocate Budget Cut". The New York Times. Retrieved February 28, 2013. ^Hernandez, Javier C. (November 3, 2010). "Once Again, City Voters Approve Term Limits". New York Times. Retrieved February 28, 2013. ^Mogul, Fred (2012-01-03). "Food Stamps Increasingly Deployed at Greenmarkets". WNYC. Retrieved 2013-07-25. ^ abTaylor, Kate (2011-10-12). "Quinn opposes fingerprinting of food stamp recipients". New York Times. ^"Quinn's letter". Retrieved April 10, 2014. ^"My Winners and Losers of 2012 List". Retrieved April 10, 2014. ^"Speaker Quinn Sends Letter To Obama Requesting Him To Free Pollard". Hamodia. December 26, 2012. Retrieved April 10, 2014. ^"NY Snubbed In Gay Row". Sky News. 2007-03-05. Archived from the original on 2007-07-04. Retrieved 25 July 2013. ^Chan, Sewell (March 5, 2007). "Quinn to March for St. Patrick, but in Dublin". The New York Times. Retrieved 2007-03-05. ^O'Hanlon, Ray (2008-12-31). "Irish American of the Year: Christine Quinn". The Irish Echo Online. Archived from the original on 2009-03-22. Retrieved 2013-07-25. ^"Christine Quinn, St. Patrick's Day Parade: Speaker's Prominence Highlights Tensions Between Event, LGBT Community". Huffington Post. March 15, 2013. ^"The Chick-fil-A Business". The New York Times (Editorial). 2012-07-30. Retrieved 2013-07-25. ^Parsons, Claudia (2007-09-20). "NY university urged to cancel Ahmadinejad speech". Reuters. Retrieved 2007-09-24. ^ abGrynbaum, Michael M. (March 27, 2013). "Quinn, on CNN, Denies Being Vindictive". New York Times. ^Rivera, Ray; Buettner, Russ (April 4, 2008). "Phony Allocations by City Council Reported". New York Times. Retrieved March 5, 2013. ^"New York City's City Council Slush Fund Allocations Cloud the Political Future of City Council President Christine Quinn and of Mayor Mike Bloomberg". parentadvocates.org. Retrieved March 5, 2013. ^Rivera, Ray; Buettner, Russ (April 12, 2008). "Investigations Into Spending Lead Speaker to Hire Lawyer". New York Times. Retrieved March 5, 2013. ^"QUINN-WIN $ITUATION-24% OF MYSTERY FUND WENT TO HER DISTRICT". New York Post. April 6, 2008. Retrieved March 5, 2013. [dead link]^Goldenberg, Sally (September 19, 2011). "100G slush-fund hangover". New York Post. Retrieved February 19, 2012. ^Goldenberg, Sally (March 10, 2013). "Christine Quinn officially announces she's running for NYC mayor". New York Post. Retrieved 2013-07-25. ^"NYC mayoral race front-runner Christine Quinn formally launches bid". CBS News. 2013-03-10. Retrieved 2013-07-25. ^"New York City (NYC) Poll - April 10, 2013 - 82% Of New Yorkers Say Big App | Quinnipiac University Connecticut". Quinnipiac.edu. 2013-04-10. Retrieved 2013-07-25. ^Dwyer, Jim (2013-09-10). "Quinn Smiles Gamely, but Primary Wasn't Supposed to Be This Hard". New York Times. Retrieved 2013-09-11. ^Borges, Eddie (June 26, 2016). "Crain's New York". Crain's New York. ^http://fortune.com/2014/10/30/womens-equality-party-new-york/^http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/20/nyregion/quinns-memoir-goes-largely-unsold-when-it-can-be-found.html^http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/18/nyregion/christine-quinn-to-lead-women-in-need-for-homeless-women-and-children.html^"Christine C. Quinn Biography". Council.nyc.gov. Retrieved 2013-07-25. ^Chen, David W. (March 16, 2009). "Quinn to Mark St. Patrick's Day Elsewhere". New York Times. ^Taylor, Kate (May 19, 2012). "Amid New York's Political Elite, Council Speaker Weds Her Longtime Partner". The New York Times. Retrieved May 20, 2012. ^Chen, David W. "For Council Speaker, Home on Weekends Is at Jersey Shore", The New York Times, July 25, 2012. Accessed August 10, 2012. "Christine C. Quinn, the New York City Council speaker, in the weekend home in Bradley Beach, N.J., that she and her spouse, Kim M. Catullo, bought in 2004."^"Building Ties That Bind New Councilwoman Quinn Looks To Common Good". New York Daily News. New York. 1999-02-20. ^"EXCLUSIVE: Former Speaker Christine Quinn joins board of nonprofit for gay athletes". New York Daily News, February 4, 2014.
      Meet Christine Quinn's Wife, Kim Catullo | Observer
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        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 02:15
        Christine Quinn's wife, Kim Catullo (Photo: Jill Colvin)
        Christine Quinn's famously press-shy wife, Kim Catullo, dipped her toes into the media spotlight for the first time this weekend, sitting for a series of interviews with local outlets after months of watching from the sidelines.
        Politicker met Ms. Catullo at the campaign's lower Manhattan headquarters, where we asked about the prospect of being married to the city's first female and openly gay mayor, Ms. Quinn's most annoying habits, as well as the best Bruce Springsteen album of all time.
        ''As a private gal, this has been interesting,'' said Ms. Catullo, a corporate lawyer who married the Democratic City Council speaker last spring at a star-studded wedding attended by a huge swath of the city's leading officials.
        Ms. Catullo, who never wanted to be involved in any form of public life, has until now been reluctant to take a prominent role in the campaign, despite spending time volunteering at the office, marching in parades and attending smaller events. But with three weeks left until primary day, as the other candidates' spouses take growing roles in their partners' campaigns, she has agreed to step out from the sidelines. ''You realize that I love my spouse, I want to be there for her,'' she said.
        And while Ms. Catullo had first tried to talk her wife out of running for mayor, she said that she's actually been enjoying some aspects of the campaign trail. (She's also 100 percent on board, even painting her toenails blue to match the campaign's signs, just like Ms. Quinn.)
        ''I'm having fun watching Chris do it,'' said Ms. Catullo, who''despite her private persona''seemed excited to get the chance to talk about her wife. ''You know my favorite thing is always seeing when either a mother or a father brings over a young girl to meet her and wants them to get a picture with her. You kind of see from their eyes and what they say to their daughters that it's a meaningful moment.''
        Still, she said there are difficult parts of the campaign as well, including seeing Ms. Quinn attacked.
        ''Listen, if you're a spouse and you love your spouse, which I do, it's hard,'' Ms. Catullo explained, adding that she gave up reading newspapers a few months ago to avoid the worst. ''It's natural. You're watching somebody you really care about and love go through a process where, you know, they're being personally attacked '... I think unfortunately it comes with the territory, so you sort of have to have a thick skin in this business.''
        Ms. Catullo further declared the idea of being the city's next first lady to be ''overwhelming.'' ''I don't think I could even fathom what it will look like. I think it will be a first on so many levels,'' she said, noting that it's been many years since the city had a traditional ''First Family.'' ''I know we're not going to look like any prior couple,'' she said.
        As for her role? ''I certainly am not going to be a full-time first lady. That's just not going to happen,'' she said with a laugh, pointing to homeless and literacy issues as possible areas for her to focus on. ''I would expect that I'm going to do what Chris needs me to and what the city needs me to do '... I'm certainly not giving up my career, but I think it's going to be such a unique situation that I just don't know what to expect, to be honest.''
        Still, she said that she was deeply moved by the significance of her wife potentially becoming the city's first female and first openly gay mayor.
        ''Let me say this, I believe number one is: Are you the most qualified person? And I believe she is, I really do,'' she said. ''But put that aside, I think the historical significance of that can't be understated. As a woman and as a lesbian''forget that she's my wife''I think it's really exiting! And I think''I think it's time.''
        She remembered how the first time she voted, Geraldine Ferraro was on the vice presidential ballot. ''I remember being so proud of that '... so the thought that we're this close to that happening is really pretty incredible.''
        On a personal level, Ms. Catullo said she thought that Ms. Quinn's campaign was doing a good job showcasing their funny, caring and ''scary smart'' candidate.
        ''She's funny. Really funny. She makes me laugh. And I also really love '... how smart she is. It's really fun to have conversations with her about interesting topics,'' she said.
        Ms. Quinn's most annoying habits, on the other hand? ''Her choice in TV and her BlackBerry use,'' said Ms. Catullo. ''It's bad TV '... But I get it. She has to deal with really big issues all day and talk all day, so watching mind-numbing TV, '... I can get the outlet.''
        While it's been increasingly tough with her campaign schedule, she said the two like to spend their free time taking walks together in Hudson River Park and going on movie dates. Ms. Catullo said the last film they'd caught together''at home, unfortunately''was Ted, which they thoroughly enjoyed.
        ''Oh my God, we laughed so hard,'' she said. ''That was one she wanted to see in the theater, and I said, 'I am not going to see a talking teddy bear movie!' And so we watched on a whim one night late '... and it was '... Oh my gosh, you don't want to admit you laughed 'cause it was so filthy, but we laughed like crazy.''
        The married duo also share a love for Bruce Springsteen, whom Ms. Quinn has said she'd use as a model for her governing style.
        Ms. Catullo, who is known among Ms. Quinn's staffers for putting together event playlists, said her own favorite Springsteen track of all-time is ''Darkness on the Edge of Town.'' A few years ago, she said, she watched him play an entire show dedicated to the album. ''It was phenomenal.''
      Alice Wells - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 01:23
        Wells was born in Beirut, Lebanon to Heidi and Wes Wells. Her father was at the time a U.S. Army officer stationed there as part of President Eisenhower's 1958 Middle East Task Force.[1][2] After attending Bainbridge Island High School, she earned a BA from Stanford University in 1985 and a joint MA from the University of California at Los Angeles/Rand Corporation.[3]
        Wells is a career member of the U.S. Foreign Service. Wells served as a political officer and a political-military officer at the US embassy in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, as well as a political and economic officer at the US embassy in Dushanbe, Tajikistan. She was acting director of Egypt and North African Affairs in the bureau of Near Eastern affairs from 2003 to 2005. She served as minister counsellor for political affairs at the US embassy in Moscow from 2006 to 2009 and was director of Maghreb affairs. Wells also served as executive assistant to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton from 2011 to 2012, and to Undersecretary for Political Affairs William J. Burns from 2009 to 2011. She served as an assessor at the foreign service board of examiners in 2013 and was special assistant to the president for Russia and Central Asia in the White House from 2012 to 2013.
        When nominated to become the U.S. Ambassador to Jordan, she was serving as senior adviser in the bureau of Near Eastern affairs at the Department of State. She began her assignment as ambassador on July 28, 2014.[4] In January 2016 Wells announced at a press briefing in Amman that the US Congress has approved ''an unprecedented'' $1.275 billion in assistance to Jordan in its 2016 budget bill. The amount includes economic aid, security assistance and assistance with the country's water supply. Wells noted that the aid was approved with bi-partisan support of Republicans and Democrats.[5]
        Wells speaks English, Russian and has studied Arabic, Urdu and Hindi. She is married to Kurt E. Amend. Together, they have three children. [6]
        ^U.S. Ambassador to Jordan: Who Is Alice Wells? ALLGOV, July 26, 2014^The Testimony of Alice G Wells Women in Jordan, May 15, 2014^Obama announces intent to nominate Alice Wells as ambassador to Jordan Jordan Times, April 12, 2014^Alice G Wells US Ambassador to Jordan U.S. Department of State, accessed Feb 16, 2016^Congress approves 'unprecedented' assistance to Jordan '-- Wells The Jordan Times, Jan 21, 2016^Ambassador U.S. Embassy, Jordan, accessed May 9, 2016
      BLUMENTHAL OUTING CIA-WikiLeaks - Hillary Clinton Email Archive
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        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 13:39
        From: Sidney Blumenthal To: Hillary Clinton Date: 2009-06-28 02:00 Subject: MY ROLE, GERMANY, IRAN, ETC .UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05763030 Date: 12/31/2015RELEASE IN FULL CONFIDENTIAL June 28, 2009 For: Hillary From: Sid Re: My role, Germany, Iran, etc. 1. I spoke with Doug Band yesterday, discussed things with him, and we will go from there. It would be helpful if you and I speak soon to define parameters of what projects I should pursue. We should discuss your speech to the Council, among other things. 2. I met with John Kornblum, passing through town, with whom I have had a long relationship of more than 20 years. He continues to live in Berlin, remains very well plugged in, as well as knowledgeable about currents in the State Department. On Germany, he pointed out that in reaction to the two major external shocks of the past decade '--the invasion of Iraq and economic downturn'--its impulse has been to retreat within its shell. An aspect of that retreat is Germany's tropism toward Russia away from the West. US policy under Obama toward Germany (and Europe), to the extent there is one, has so far been to consider it as a resource for US endeavors and simply demand it follow the US lead, a soft version of Bush's policy. There is no proper German or European policy per se. (I said the opening to Russia is the beginning and he agreed, felt it was the best thing so far.) Kornblum reports that Larry Summers' recent visit to Berlin was catastrophic, that the Merkel government was repulsed by his arrogant tone and personality, and that it sees Summers as the hidden face of the Obama administration. A new and lengthy article appearing in Der Spiegel by its Washington correspondent Gabor Steingart, (whom I know and is well connected at top levels of German government), reflects the profound belief of the Merkel government that the Obama administration is on a disastrous economic path; unstated in the piece is the effect of contempt for Summers. (By the way, I am making no value judgments on this information other than its accuracy or on the merit of policies and substance. I report, you decide.) Kornblum says that the atmospherics and Merkel's underlying attitude can't be really changed until after the German election in the fall. He also says that you are the only who can begin to work on this through your relationship with Merkel and the Germans. Obama and Merkel are like oil and water. Kornblum volunteered without prompting his own views on some personalities and processes. To wit: He does not much trust or like Jim Steinberg and UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05763030 Date: 12/31/2015 regards him as wholly tactical and narrowly ambitious. He had more to say... Komblum also reported from his State sources that you have won broad and deep support and respect within the building. He considers you "a pro," his highest compliment. 3. I spoke with Bill Murray, a long-time CIA operative in Europe, Middle East and Iran, where he was stationed in the mid-1970s before the overthrow of the Shah. He was chief of covert ops involving Iran in 1980s/early 1990s and chief of station in Lebanon and Paris. First, his general observations; then, specifics: During the 1970s, before the Shah's downfall, CIA analysts did reports on the future of Iranian middle class as a potential political factor. While there is such a thing as an Iranian middle class now, and it is at the center of the protests, its most vital part is in the US. Iran, he points out, has never had a true system of government. Corrupting the few managed choices the people were presented with triggered an explosion. But Murray's view is that precisely because of the absence of actual experience with government the people fundamentally don't know what they want or what they want from the US. He says we should not think that because they like Western culture, blue jeans, music, etc., that somehow they are like us or want to become Americans'--the common error of the Bush era. He emphasizes, drawing on his experience, that what had the most impact long-term has not been propaganda. Iranians, unlike all but a few Arabs, are passionate readers. Murray says that they ravenously consume books of all kinds, but the most effective, besides works on civil disobedience, political organizing, politics generally, etc., are novels. They want to read the novels people in Europe and the US are reading, and this gives them a different sense of society. Murray says that we should do extensive public opinion surveys in Iran, which he says were done in the past, to determine Iranian attitudes. While we might not be able to engage the Iranians with much success in the short-run, we can achieve an impact through cultural gestures, which are widely appreciated and noticed. Iranians (unlike most Arab countries) believe they represent one of the great cultures of the world and are highly sensitive about it. Acknowledging them culturally is an implicit acknowledgement of their preeminence in western Asia. If there were a major cultural exhibition at a western museum, your attendance (or Obama's) would be an important event for Iranians. Murray also said that his intelligence is that the Iranian diaspora in the US and Europe is now sending extensive funds through whatever channels it can to dissident movements within Iran. (Some of this may violate the Patriot Act.) Murray says direct US funding of these movements is counter-productive with the potential for trouble. He says that during the Bush administration the sleazy neoconservative intriguer Michael Ledeen and other neocons brought in various exiles who Murray claims receive covert funding from DOD, probably siphoned through CIA. Murray disdains the DOD role as always getting Iran wrong and applying methods that are always the wrong approach and if revealed will discredit the movements against the regime. He added on his own that though he thinks Dennis Ross is capable, "nobody in the Middle East trusts Dennis Ross. It's what they believe. They are not going to deal with him." 4. Finally, Paul Krugman had a private lunch with Obama. I'll tell you what Obama said and Krugman's reaction when we speak.
      CLINTON EARPIECE-WikiLeaks - Hillary Clinton Email Archive
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        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 13:34
        WikiLeaks - Hillary Clinton Email ArchiveThis key's fingerprint is A04C 5E09 ED02 B328 03EB 6116 93ED 732E 9231 8DBA
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        From:
        Huma Abedin To:
        Hillary Clinton Date: 2009-09-23 06:05 Subject:
        UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05766167 Date: 07/31/2015RELEASE IN FULLFrom: Abedin, Huma Sent: Thursday, September 24, 2009 1:05 PM To: H Did u take your earpiece or do I need to get it?
        See Also US Diplomatic Cable Search
      "SICK" HILLARY CLINTON uses "EARPIECE" during NBC Veterans FORUM/ CHEATING TO WIN!!! - YouTube
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 13:32
    CGI
      Clinton: Let's rebuild Detroit with Syrian refugees! | Refugee Resettlement Watch
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 14:33
        Posted by Ann Corcoran on August 30, 2016
        Consider this Part II of my previous post because here we learn that Hamdi Ulukaya (Chobani Yogurt empire) was busy earlier this year talking with Bill Clinton at the Clinton Global Initiative about the joys of hiring (Muslims in the case of the Syrians) over American workers.
        This idea of rebuilding Detroit with thousands of Syrians isn't new, remember the Republican governor of Michigan was spouting that same idea here in May of last year. The Clinton Global Initiative video is from February of this year, so I wonder if Clinton stole the cockamamie idea from Snyder? (I guess I will have to watch the thing!).
        Here is what Julia Hahn says at Breitbart:
        In a previously little-noticed video from February at the Clinton Global Initiative, former President Bill Clinton suggested that the U.S. use Syrian refugees to rebuild Detroit.
        ''The truth is that the big loser in this over the long run is going to be Syria. This is an enormous opportunity for Americans,'' Bill Clinton said about the Syrian migrant crisis.
        It is unclear from the video why Clinton seems to think it would be better to fill these Detroit jobs with imported foreign migrants rather than unemployed Americans already living there, who could perhaps benefit from good-paying jobs.
        In the video, Clinton discusses the migrant crisis with billionaire and mass migration enthusiast Hamdi Ulukaya of the Chobani yogurt empire.
        Ulukaya has become a figure of controversy for his decision to fill his yogurt plants with foreign refugees rather than unemployed Americans. At the World Economic Forum in Davos earlier this year, Ulukaya encouraged other global elites to follow his lead.
        The unearthed video seems to underscore Donald Trump's recent declaration that, ''Hillary Clinton would rather provide a job to a refugee from overseas than to give that job to unemployed African-American youth in cities like Detroit who have become refugees in their own country.''
        Continue reading to hear more about Bill, Hillary, Ulukaya, Twin Falls, Idaho and crony capitalism by clicking here. (Don't you ever wonder if the Syrians know they are being used as pawns?)
        BTW, expect to see more of Mr. Chobani (with other corporate big wigs) and the Clintons at Obama's big UN refugee shindig on September 20th!
        Like this:LikeLoading...
        This entry was posted on August 30, 2016 at 12:26 pm and is filed under 2016 Presidential campaign, Changing the way we live, Community destabilization, Legal immigration and jobs, Muslim refugees, Refugee Resettlement Program, Resettlement cities, Taxpayer goodies, The Opposition, Who is going where. Tagged: Hillary, Michigan, Syrian refugees, United Nations. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.
      Minorities exploited by Warren Buffett's mobile-home empire | The Seattle Times
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 14:25
        Clayton Homes has used a pattern of deception to help extract billions from poor customers around the country '-- particularly people of color, who make up a substantial and growing portion of its business. The company is controlled by Warren Buffett, one of the world's richest men.
        Third of a series
        GALLUP, N.M. '-- After a few years living with her sister, Rose Mary Zunie, 59, was ready to move into a place of her own.
        So, on an arid Saturday morning this past summer, the sisters piled into a friend's pickup truck and headed for a mobile-home sales lot here just outside the impoverished Navajo reservation.
        The women '-- one in a long, colorful tribal skirt, another wearing turquoise jewelry, a traditional talisman against evil '-- were steered to a salesman who spoke Navajo, just like the voice on the store's radio ads.
        He walked them through Clayton-built homes on the lot, then into the sales center, passing a banner and posters promoting one subprime lender: Vanderbilt Mortgage, a Clayton subsidiary. Inside, he handed them a Vanderbilt sales pamphlet.
        ''Vanderbilt is the only one that finances on the reservation,'' he told the women.
        His claim, which the women caught on tape, was a lie. And it was illegal.
        It is just one in a pattern of deceptions that Clayton has used to help extract billions from poor customers around the country '-- particularly people of color, who make up a substantial and growing portion of its business.
        The company is controlled by Warren Buffett, one of the world's richest men, but its methods hardly match Buffett's honest, folksy image: Clayton systematically pursues unwitting minority homebuyers and baits them into costly subprime loans, many of which are doomed to fail, an investigation by The Seattle Times and BuzzFeed News has found.
        Clayton's predatory practices have damaged minority communities '-- from rural black enclaves in the Louisiana Delta, across Spanish-speaking swaths of Texas, to Native American reservations in the Southwest. Many customers end up losing their homes, thousands of dollars in down payments, or even land they'd owned outright.
        Over the 12 years since Buffett's Berkshire Hathaway bought Clayton Homes Inc., the company has grown to dominate virtually every aspect of America's mobile-home industry. It builds nearly half the new manufactured homes sold in this country every year, making it the most prolific U.S. homebuilder of any type. It sells them through a network of more than 1,600 dealerships. And it finances more mobile-home loans than any other lender by a factor of more than seven.
        In minority communities, Clayton's grip on the lending market verges on monopolistic: Last year, according to federal data, Clayton made 72 percent of the loans to black people who financed mobile homes.
        The company's in-house lender, Vanderbilt Mortgage, charges minority borrowers substantially higher rates, on average, than their white counterparts. In fact, federal data shows that Vanderbilt typically charges black people who make over $75,000 a year slightly more than white people who make only $35,000.
        Through a spokeswoman earlier this month, Buffett declined to discuss racial issues at Clayton Homes, and a reporter who attempted to contact him at his home was turned away by security.
        Clayton and Berkshire Hathaway did not respond to numerous requests for interviews with executives, delivered by phone and email, as well as in person at Berkshire Hathaway's headquarters in Omaha. The companies did not answer any of 34 detailed questions about Clayton and its practices. Nor did they respond to an extensive summary of this article's findings, provided along with an invitation to comment. On its website, Clayton says that it seeks to ''treat people right'' and ''preserve our integrity above all else.''
        Clayton Homes, the largest U.S. builder of mobile homes, sells them through a network of more than 1,600 dealerships. It also finances more mobile-home loans than any other lender by a factor of more than seven.
        (After publication of this article, Clayton issued a news release, accusing the reporters of ''activism masquerading as journalism'' and stating: ''We categorically and adamantly deny discriminating against customers or team members based on race or ethnicity.'' For two specific categories of loans, the company said, minorities pay the same or slightly lower interest rates than whites.)
        Clayton has expanded its minority customer base '-- 31'‰percent of its loans went to minorities last year, up from 22 percent in 2008 '-- with the help of meticulous demographic analysis and targeted sales promotions. Spanish-language ads in Texas promise Latino immigrants without Social Security numbers that they, too, can enjoy the American dream of homeownership.
        As it drew in more Latino customers, however, Clayton's practice was not to provide Spanish-speaking customers with translated loan documents or interpreters at closing '-- even after employees at headquarters complained that too many customers were being misled about loan terms.
        Fair-housing laws prohibit lenders from targeting and overcharging people of color, whose communities historically were denied access to credit.
        Clayton's practices are part of a corporate culture that has condoned racism, including black employees fired while white workers used discriminatory slurs and kept their jobs, and phone collectors casually insulting borrowers with racist stereotypes.
        Defining ''predatory'' lending
        Federal regulators define a predatory loan as one that imposes unfair and abusive loan terms on a borrower.
        Making unaffordable loans based on the assets of the borrower rather than on the borrower's ability to repay an obligation.Charging excessive interest rates that may involve steering a borrower to a higher-cost loan.Engaging in deception to conceal the true nature of the loan obligation from an unsuspecting or unsophisticated borrower.For an earlier story in this series that detailed Clayton's widespread abuse of borrowers, a Clayton spokeswoman said in a statement that the company helps customers find homes within their budgets and has a ''purpose of opening doors to a better life, one home at a time.'' Buffett later defended the company, telling Berkshire Hathaway shareholders he ''makes no apologies whatsoever about Clayton's lending terms.''
        For this story, The Seattle Times and BuzzFeed News analyzed hundreds of internal company documents, thousands of legal and regulatory filings, more than 40 hours of internal company audio recordings and federal data on hundreds of thousands of mobile-home loans over a decade. Reporters conducted interviews with more than 280 customers, employees and experts, including some Clayton insiders who said they were appalled by the company's practices.
        Meanwhile, in the first nine months of this year, Clayton generated more than half a billion dollars in profit, up 28 percent from the same period last year.
        ''It's a perpetual system of people who are never able to get themselves out of the hole,'' said Gwen Schablik, who worked as a collector and handled borrowers' bankruptcies at Clayton's Maryville, Tenn., headquarters from 2011 until she quit in 2014.
        ''I felt, ethically, I couldn't continue working there,'' she said.
        A culture of racismDavid Ashley's problems at Clayton began soon after he became one of the few black employees to serve in management.
        One of Ashley's subordinates called him a ''coon,'' and he fired her, he said. To his dismay, a regional manager overruled the decision and warned Ashley not to be so hasty, he said.
        Ashley said his bosses grew eager to push him out of his role managing a Clayton lot in Arkansas, even suggesting he had taken some furniture that various employees brought in and out of the lot for staging homes '-- an accusation that another black manager in the region reported facing around the same time. Both denied taking any furniture.
        When they offered Ashley a transfer to a sales lot far from his home, he said, he declined and eventually left his job in December 2012.
        Billionaire philanthropist Warren Buffett controls a mobile-home empire that promises low-income borrowers affordable houses. But all too often, it traps those owners in high-interest loans and rapidly depreciating homes. How a Warren Buffett empire preys on the poor (April 2, 2015)A look at Berkshire Hathaway's response to mobile-home investigation (April 6, 2015)U.S. House OKs cutting safeguards for mobile-home buyers (April 14, 2015)Buffett sticks up for mobile-home business at shareholder meeting (May 2, 2015)Buffett concedes default rate on mobile-home loans could be much higher (May 4, 2015)Buffett's mobile-home business has most to gain from deregulation plan (May 17, 2015)Citing Seattle Times investigation, NYT editorial calls on Congress to protect mobile-home buyers (May 20, 2015)Minorities exploited by Warren Buffett's mobile-home empire (Dec. 26, 2015)Clayton Homes denies discriminating against minorities (Jan. 11, 2016)Lawmakers call for federal investigation of Clayton Homes (Jan. 12, 2016) Kirk and Patricia Ackley spent thousands to prepare their land, then were stuck with a higher loan rate than promised. Their home was taken by Berkshire Hathaway-owned Clayton Homes in 2012. (Katie G. Cotterill and Lauren Frohne / The Seattle Times) MORE''I'm almost a 60-year-old man,'' he said earlier this year. ''It's the first time '-- living in Arkansas my whole life '-- and it was truly the first time that I had experienced true racism.''
        In at least six states, Clayton managers have permitted open racial hostility toward people of color, according to interviews and legal filings by more than 15 former workers with direct knowledge of the incidents. In at least seven cases documented in court records, sales reps '-- both black and white '-- were fired after complaining about racism on the job. Four cases were dropped or dismissed, and Clayton settled three.
        After one of those firings in South Carolina in 2010, the company hired another black salesman. But that man, Larry Summers, testified in court records that Clayton's workers, despite his many requests, did not train him. He also said that he witnessed a co-worker make racist comments and that black customers were treated with contempt.
        ''When I was there, I saw they treated black customers differently than what they did white customers, you know?'' he said in a deposition. ''With their white customers, they're more pleasant.'' He said he soon quit Clayton.
        In Baton Rouge, La., Clayton managers engaged in ''malicious and reckless conduct'' by allowing employees to harass and fire the store's only black salesman, according to a lawsuit filed by the federal government against the company in 2007.
        A regional manager knew about the harassment, four former employees, including the victim, Melvin McNeal, said in interviews. McNeal said he complained about being called ''Sambo'' and ''Buckwheat,'' but managers defended his colleagues, saying they were ''having fun'' with him. Two of McNeal's white co-workers backed up his complaints to managers, according to legal filings. They, too, reported being fired.
        ''I can't help myself, I hate n'--''s,'' McNeal's main harasser told a contractor on the sales lot, according to a separate lawsuit filed by the two white co-workers. One remembered the harasser calling the sales lot ''n'--''ville'' when black customers arrived to tour homes.
        The suit by the two white employees was dismissed for procedural reasons. Clayton settled the federal lawsuit, brought by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, in part by agreeing to end racial harassment. The company did not admit or deny wrongdoing.
        Steering customersLaws designed to protect consumers prohibit mobile-home sales reps from doing double duty as loan officers unless they obtain a separate license. They can sell the mobile home, but they may not guide buyers to a particular financing option.
        Peter Shaw, who manages Clayton's lot in Gallup, N.M., denied that his employees steer Navajo buyers to Vanderbilt loans. He is ''100 percent'' sure it doesn't happen, he said, because the company trains its workers that doing so would be ''strictly against the law.''
        Yet in three dozen interviews, Clayton's minority customers said they were led to believe that Vanderbilt was the only option to finance their homes.
        One of the Navajo women at the Gallup lot recorded audio of their shopping experience, including the exchange in which a sales agent told them Vanderbilt was the only financing option on the reservation. Even after being told of the recording and its contents, Shaw insisted that his employees follow the law.
        The company's in-house lender, Vanderbilt Mortgage, charges minority borrowers substantially higher rates, on average, than their white counterparts. In fact, federal data shows Vanderbilt typically charges black people who make more than $75,000 a year slightly more than white people who make only $35,000.
        In fact, there is a range of options for financing mobile-home purchases on the reservation. Many lenders make loans under a federal program created in 1992 to improve Native Americans' access to home financing. Known as the 184 Program, the subsidy guarantees that banks won't lose money on the loans. This allows them to offer interest rates comparable to a prime home mortgage.
        The Navajo Nation itself also offers loans to finance mobile homes. Louise Johnson, the head of Navajo Nation's credit-services division, said tribal leaders developed the program after seeing widespread repossessions of mobile homes on the reservation. Her division offers mobile-home loans with an interest rate often under 6.5'‰percent '-- half the rate paid by many Clayton borrowers. Yet few Navajo buyers end up borrowing from the tribe.
        When he defended Clayton's compliance with the law earlier this year, Buffett said the company's lots use ''lender boards'' on their walls to show buyers the array of finance options to choose from. But the lender board at the Gallup lot, just five miles from tribal territory, had no information about Navajo credit services. It did list a lender that participates in the federal program. In an interview, however, Shaw dismissed the program as a poor option for many borrowers.
        The lender board also has a single large red button labeled, ''PUSH ME.'' By law, Clayton sales agents aren't allowed to pitch for Vanderbilt. But if they or a customer presses the red button, a digital recording does it for them:
        ''Vanderbilt wants to finance your home. Fast approval. Friendly service. And less than perfect credit accepted,'' a voice says. ''Choose Vanderbilt!''
        For years, salesmen received a bigger cut of the sales price if borrowers financed with Vanderbilt. That's no longer the case, but management has imposed new pressures.
        Clayton tracks each lot's ''capture rate,'' or what percentage of its buyers borrow from Vanderbilt, internal records show. Managers receive reports that show how their capture rate ranks against other lots' and how their rate has changed over time. Last year, dozens of lots had capture rates exceeding 70 percent, the records show.
        Earlier this year, a Clayton retail vice president emailed fellow managers demanding that they explain why some stores fell short of their goals.
        ''I know some of you are frustrated with your capture rates, as well as [retail lots] not hitting their commitments,'' Mark Morgan wrote in the email, a copy of which was obtained by The Times and BuzzFeed News. ''They will never get to where we need them to be if they don't buy in. We must help get them there.''
        Papers not translatedClayton has been especially effective at capturing minority borrowers '-- and not just Native Americans.
        Vanderbilt and Clayton's other lending division, 21st Mortgage, originated 53'‰percent of all mobile-home loans to Native Americans; 56'‰percent of loans to Latino and Hispanic borrowers; and 72 percent to blacks, according to 2014 federal loan data from some 7,000 lenders. Among white borrowers who were not also identified as Latino or Hispanic, Clayton's market share was 31'‰percent.
        In Texas, Clayton has blanketed parts of the state with ads, fliers and promotions in Spanish. One store promised to spare buyers the frustration of dealing with ''Spanglish''-speaking sales agents: ''Stop suffering, come to Clayton Homes in Seguin, where we will attend to you 100% in SPANISH!!!!'' its website said.
        Clayton was less reliant on lending to minorities in 2004, the first full year after Buffett's Berkshire Hathaway bought the company for $1.7'‰billion. Around that time, then-marketing manager Robert Fox explained in a recent interview, Clayton was beginning to harness emerging research tools to help identify untapped markets.
        After analyzing its Vanderbilt loan portfolio to understand the demographics of its customers, he recalled, Clayton then searched for areas where these market segments '-- people with similar characteristics '-- were clustered. For one presentation in 2005, Fox mapped Houston-area ZIP codes where these potential customers lived. Four of the five market segments he highlighted were identified as ethnically mixed.
        ''It was extremely cutting-edge for the manufactured-home industry,'' Fox said.
        More recently, Clayton has drawn in minority borrowers with targeted marketing, such as sponsorship of a Lumbee Tribe powwow in North Carolina. Louisiana dealerships have advertised single-parent loan programs in a state where black families are more than twice as likely as white families to be headed by a single parent.
        And in Texas, Clayton has blanketed parts of the state with ads, fliers and promotions in Spanish. One store promised to spare buyers the frustration of dealing with ''Spanglish'' speaking sales agents: ''Stop suffering, come to Clayton Homes in Seguin, where we will attend to you 100% in SPANISH!!!!'' its website said.
        Another lot's Spanish-language ad addressed immigrants who have government tax ID numbers but no Social Security number: ''No credit, no Social! Your ITIN and your promise is all we need!''
        But when the time came to sign a legally binding loan, the company's Spanish language skills disappeared. Its practice was to provide loan documents, full of dense legal jargon, in English, and not to provide interpreters, according to 12 Spanish-speaking borrowers who purchased homes in Texas over the past few years.
        That's how Rocio Orozco, a single mother living in rural Willis, Texas, who speaks only enough English to carry on a simple conversation, said she ended up paying nearly double the interest rate she was promised '-- and losing $500 of her down payment to her local Clayton-owned dealer before she'd even signed the contract.
        After driving past Clayton's dealerships on her way to work each day, Orozco, a manager at Subway sandwich shops, stopped at a Clayton-owned lot in early 2012 to ''window shop,'' she said in an interview conducted through a translator. She said she told the sales reps that she didn't have good enough credit for a loan. Still, she recalled, the rep went to lunch with her, talked to her about their families and told her not to give up hope.
        Before Vanderbilt would process her application, Orozco recalled, she was asked for a $500 deposit, delivered on a blank money order. The loan for a double-wide came through, but the $500 disappeared. Documents indicate it was not credited against the cost of her home. In fact, the loan balance was inflated by $5,866 in fees and Clayton-brokered insurance, nearly as much as her down payment. She hadn't noticed the additional charges until a reporter pointed them out.
        She expressed further dismay when the reporter noted that she is paying a 14.2 annual percentage rate on the 20-year loan. The saleswoman had told her she was approved at 8 percent, Orozco said. At the loan closing, the title agent referred by Clayton rushed her through the process, showing her only the blanks on pages requiring her signature, Orozco said.
        I thought I could understand it myself, and trust them, because they were so nice. But that all changed the second I signed that paper.'' - Rocio Orozco
        ''I said I couldn't understand them, but they told me it was all simple, just stuff the bank required,'' Orozco said. On the way out the door, she said, she was handed a stack of documents that she had never had a chance to review.
        Among them was a loan application, prepared by Clayton, stating that she made $4,770 a month '-- far more, she said, than her actual take-home salary.
        Joan Norman, Orozco's saleswoman, said she couldn't imagine a case where retail workers would ask for a money order to be left blank. Norman, who no longer works for Clayton, could not explain why the $500 deposit was reflected on some documents but never applied against the cost of Orozco's home.
        Now facing monthly payments of about $1,000 that overwhelm her budget, Orozco said she is almost certain to lose the home.
        ''I'm so stupid,'' she said. ''I thought I could understand it myself, and trust them, because they were so nice. But that all changed the second I signed that paper.''
        Gwen Schablik said stories like that make her blood boil. Schablik was one of a handful of Spanish speakers working in collections at Clayton back in 2012. Every week, she said, she took calls from people whose weak command of English led them to sign loan documents they couldn't understand.
        Schablik and another former employee said several Vanderbilt staffers had raised the issue with their superiors. Managers eventually told Schablik that there was no need to translate the documents, she said.
        She continued to raise concerns, writing in an email to Clayton's director of marketing that when she spoke to new borrowers ''there were many things they were not made aware about during the sale.''
        Managers and executives, she said, dismissed her concerns; she recalled one replying, ''It doesn't really matter as long as we get the money.''
        More than a dozen Spanish-speaking borrowers in Texas said they initially dealt with friendly, Spanish-speaking retail staff, only to be rushed through loan closings that the borrowers didn't understand, conducted entirely in English. Many said they were surprised to find that the loan terms were much more costly than they'd been told.
        Vanderbilt piles onBlacks, Latinos and Native Americans tend to have lower median incomes and lower credit scores than white Americans. As a result, the loans they receive '-- for houses, cars or virtually anything else '-- often have higher interest rates. So Vanderbilt is not alone in charging minority customers more, on average, to finance their mobile homes. What sets the company apart is just how much more.
        The gap between Vanderbilt's disclosed interest rates for whites and those for minorities '-- more than 0.7 percentage points on the annual rate '-- is the largest among big mobile-home lenders. That difference can amount to thousands of dollars over the life of an average loan. The disparity persists even after adjusting for income: Minority borrowers earning between $75,000 and $100,000 on average pay interest rates slightly higher than those paid by Vanderbilt's white borrowers making only $25,000 to $50,000, according to a Seattle Times-BuzzFeed News analysis of recent federal loan data.
        Some Clayton sales people try to foist Vanderbilt's costlier loans on customers '-- in particular poor, minority borrowers '-- who may have less familiarity with financial documents or who may be less likely to question large tacked-on fees, said three former Clayton workers, including Morris ''Cubby'' Stone, one of the white Baton Rouge employees who reported being fired after defending a colleague who faced racial abuse.
        In at least six states, Clayton managers have permitted open racial hostility toward people of color, according to interviews and legal filings by more than 15 former workers with direct knowledge of the incidents.
        For decades, until federal fair-housing laws were introduced in the 1960s, banks routinely engaged in ''redlining'' '-- literally drawing red lines on maps around minority communities where they would refuse to make loans or open branches.
        Clayton appears to have engaged in reverse redlining, seeking out minorities and charging them higher rates, according to a review of company documents, interviews, and an analysis of federal loan data. ''Absolutely classic reverse redlining,'' attorney John Relman called it.
        The practice may violate the federal Fair Housing Act or the Equal Credit Opportunity Act, said Relman, who represented the city of Baltimore in a suit against Wells Fargo for reverse redlining. (The bank, which did not admit wrongdoing, settled, agreeing to spend millions of dollars on housing initiatives.)
        (In its news release after this article's publication, Clayton said that ''we do not 'target' minority markets or engage in 'reverse-redlining.''')
        In Louisiana, where Clayton controls 80 percent of the market for mobile-home loans to black people, the company sold Helen Shorts, a disabled grandmother, a loan she had virtually no chance of repaying.
        Shorts, who is black, said she lost her previous home to a fire in 2013, leaving her and her family with almost nothing but the clothes they were wearing. Barely able to afford food, she said, they relied on handouts from churches and slept on friends' floors.
        When her insurance check finally arrived early last year, Shorts recalled, she and her husband, Leroy, were desperate to turn it into permanent housing for the three grandchildren they look after. She and a girlfriend drove more than 50 miles to a Clayton sales lot in Gonzales, La., that, she said, had advertised homes for as little as $7,000.
        Shorts went into the store looking for payments of $300 to $400 a month, she said, something she could afford on her $749 in monthly disability benefits.
        The saleswoman, she recalled, later told her that she was lucky to qualify for a loan on a bigger, used mobile home priced at $55,000. Clayton financed it for her with a Vanderbilt loan at a 15.77 annual percentage rate, after a down payment of $7,000.
        When she and Leroy returned for the closing, they said that, like many other buyers, they were rushed through it. Agents quickly turned over page after page, saying, ''You need to sign right here, sign here, sign here,'' recalled Leroy, who said he has been unable to work since he went blind in his right eye.
        The monthly payments were $851 '-- about $100 more than the amount she received from her fixed disability payments. Shorts, who said she didn't realize how much she would have to pay every month, made just two payments, then defaulted in June 2014. Clayton filed to seize the home that October.
        Even when loans go bad quickly, the sale can be profitable for Berkshire Hathaway. Clayton often marks up new homes about 70 percent over invoice, company documents show. After a 20 percent down payment and thousands of dollars in fees added into the loan, Clayton can recoup more than half the wholesale price of the home in a year.
        When borrowers stop paying, the company can repossess and resell the home, again with another markup.
        Threats, mockeryArriving at Clayton's Maryville, Tenn., headquarters each morning, collections workers and their colleagues shuffle past a poster of Warren Buffett pointing to his ''rule of thumb.''
        ''I want employees to ask themselves whether they are willing to have any contemplated act appear the next day on the front page of their local paper '-- to be read by their spouses, children and friends '-- with the reporting done by an informed and critical reporter,'' it reads.
        The company's practice was to provide loan documents, full of dense legal jargon, in English, and not to provide interpreters, according to 12 Spanish-speaking borrowers who purchased homes in Texas over the past few years.
        ''I'd pass by that and I was just, like, 'Are you kidding me?''‰'' said Schablik, the Spanish-speaking employee who, until last year, worked as a Clayton collector and handled borrowers' bankruptcies.
        At first, Vanderbilt collection agents '-- often young, white college students or recent grads '-- are trained to do things by the book, Schablik and four current and former collectors said. But when these new agents begin working the phones, they said, managers pressure them to be ''mean'' or ''condescending,'' for example telling customers behind in their payments to cut back on groceries or forgo medical care.
        Much of collectors' take-home pay comes from bonuses tied to how many delinquent accounts they bring up to date. As a result, Schablik and several of her former colleagues said, many collectors resorted to tactics of questionable legality: making groundless threats, calling relatives or employers to apply pressure, or berating borrowers until they either cried or figured out how to get some money. Collectors typically were less abusive to white borrowers, they said.
        Even when managers were within earshot, white agents openly ridiculed black borrowers, mimicking stereotypical black vernacular on the phone, then referring to them as ''n'--''s'' after hanging up, Schablik and other current and former Clayton employees said. Two collectors recalled English-speaking co-workers talking to Latino borrowers, repeatedly saying, ''No dinero, no casa.'' One collector said she overheard a colleague ask a black borrower if she'd spent all of her money on a hair weave.
        On the Navajo reservation, a customer named Sheila Begay said Vanderbilt collection agents told her that Navajo people are ''too stupid'' to understand loan terms. Her stepfather, Daniel Teller, said they told him Navajos were so poor that they never have money in their pockets. A neighbor, Wallace Archer, recalled a collector asking whether his family had spent all of its money on alcohol.
        Tim Williams, the head of one of Clayton's lending subsidiaries, 21st Mortgage, said in a brief interview that his collectors are trained to treat customers with respect. He said accusations that they demeaned borrowers were ''very, very unlikely'' to be true.
        ''Believe it or not, not all customers are honest,'' he said.
        At the tail end of the Mississippi Delta, southeast of New Orleans, Jennifer Encalade said she was receiving calls from Clayton's collection agents multiple times a day this summer. One afternoon, while a reporter was visiting, an agent named Jeremy called and began asking questions about her personal life, her financial status and her family. She put the call on speakerphone.
        Dissatisfied with her offer to send money after her next payday, Jeremy began to bat around ideas: Is there anyone she could borrow the money from? Was there anything she could pawn or sell? Why didn't she try something?
        As her 5-year-old son played quietly on the carpet, Jennifer asked:
        ''What would you suggest?''
        ''Uh, donate plasma?'' Jeremy replied. ''Or donate blood?''
        Family legacy takenIn minority communities across the American South where Clayton has established dominance, the company seizes homes and land and resells them in a churn that strips individuals of their assets and communities from holding and building wealth.
        On the Navajo reservation, geographically larger than the state of West Virginia, there are fewer than 50,000 occupied housing units of any kind. Clayton has sought to seize homes at least 691 times on the reservation in the past decade, according to a review of records from eight of the Navajo Nation's 11 court districts.
        Notes on methodologyBy Mike Baker and Daniel Wagner
        DataFor this story, we examined hundreds of thousands of loans disclosed under the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA). These disclosures, filed by thousands of lenders each year, include a variety of details on each loan, including loan amount, geographic details, the borrower's race, and for ''higher-priced'' loans (meaning those with interest rates at least 1.5 percentage points above the prime rate at the time the loan was taken out), the spread between the borrower's interest rate and the prime rate.
        Not all lenders are required to file under HMDA. In 2015, for example, banks with less than $44 million in assets were not obligated to do so.
        Raw data is available from the Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. Data for earlier years are available from the National Archives.
        Loan analysisBuzzFeed News and The Seattle Times filtered the data in order to examine a typical loan for a mobile-home purchase. We examined loans that met all the following criteria:
        Loan action: Originated loansProperty type: Manufactured housingLoan purpose: Home purchaseLien status: Secured by a first lienOwner occupancy: Owner-occupied as a principal dwellingFor the purposes of classifying borrowers' race and ethnicity, the analysis used the first-listed race and ethnicity for each application. (Some applications list multiple applicants, e.g., both spouses.) The analysis considered a ''minority'' borrower to be a borrower who either (a) identified as any race other than white, or (b) identified their ethnicity as Hispanic or Latino. The analysis considered ''white'' borrowers to be those identified as white but whose ethnicities were not listed as Hispanic or Latino.
        For loans classified as higher-priced, the HMDA data also include details about interest rates. Many mobile-home loans meet that threshold, so we examined their interest rates to compare costs for minorities and whites.
        To compare Vanderbilt Mortgage's loans with those of peer lenders, reporters looked at the last five available years of data (2010-2014) from companies with at least 500 ''higher-priced'' loans during that period.
        Note: The HMDA data included 26 mobile-home loans from 2010 with an interest-rate spread of 99 or 99.99. They all came from one company, American Financial Resources. An executive at AFR said those numbers were erroneous, so they were removed from the analysis.
        Non-loan dataDetails about Clayton's finances, including its total collections from borrowers, were drawn from quarterly and annual reports filed by Berkshire Hathaway to the Securities and Exchange Commission.
        To calculate the rates of single-parent families in Louisiana, the analysis used data from the Census Bureau's 2014 American Community Survey, tables B17010H and B17010B, and accounted only for families ''with related children under 18 years.''
        In the rural farming town of Opelousas, La., Kevin Thibodeaux is trying to keep Vanderbilt from taking a piece of land on Lazard Lane that has been in his family for at least four generations. Along the lane are the homes of his mother, aunts and uncles.
        ''When you turn down that road, it's all family back here,'' Thibodeaux said. ''It goes deep, man.''
        Like many black families in the area, the Thibodeauxs see owning land as a tangible expression of family roots stretching back to Reconstruction and an economic toehold gained despite the legacy of slavery and the hardships of Jim Crow. In this community beset by poverty, land is many families' most meaningful asset.
        In 2009, Thibodeaux was working at Wal-Mart and his wife at a pharmacy as they raised three children. He figured their weak credit would make it impossible to buy a home. When he visited a Clayton-owned retail lot, however, the sales reps told him they could get him a loan '-- if he put up a piece of land.
        Thibodeaux had a parcel he'd bought from his aunt informally, years earlier. Employees at the Clayton-owned lot helped with the paperwork needed to make him the land's official owner, he said, and he signed it over as collateral.
        Thibodeaux said he was excited about a Clayton home model called ''YES,'' priced at $39,000. A Clayton saleswoman, he recalled, said she was trying to get him a government-insured loan. Nearly three months later, he said, she called and told him that Vanderbilt would be his lender. She did not mention that the same company that owned the retail lot also owned the lender, he said. His annual percentage rate ended up at 11.26.
        In the months he waited for the loan to come through, the home's price went up '-- to a little over $45,000, plus more than $7,000 in fees and insurance brokered by Clayton.
        Within a couple of years, his wife had left him, leaving him with the kids, and he lost his job.
        In light of his two years of steady payments, he asked Vanderbilt to adjust his monthly obligation until he got back on his feet. But, he said, ''They gave me nothing. I tried everything talking to these people.''
        Vanderbilt moved to seize Thibodeaux's home in January 2014. He filed for bankruptcy protection and has been paying down his debts. With his new job as a school janitor, Thibodeaux hopes he can hold onto the house and land, but there are no guarantees.
        Today, Thibodeaux shares the home with his girlfriend, Linda Lazard, and their children. Lazard, whose sister previously lost family land to Vanderbilt, can rattle off the names of nearby friends and relatives whose lives have been disrupted by the company's aggressive lending and frequent repossessions.
        ''Boy, for Thanksgiving and holidays, we'll hear something about Vanderbilt or somebody walking up and saying, 'Oh, I got my house, and Vanderbilt financed me,''‰'' Lazard said. ''Everybody look like, 'Lord Jesus, do you know what you just got yourself into?''‰''
        With dusk falling over Lazard Lane's majestic trees one recent evening, Thibodeaux's extended family gathered on his wide, patchy lawn for a cookout featuring fried turkey wings. As high school-aged daughters practiced their cheer-squad drills, Thibodeaux talked about his troubles with Clayton Homes and Vanderbilt Mortgage.
        ''They sold me a dream,'' he said, pacing back and forth. ''Everything changed after I bought the home.''
        '--
        UPDATE: This story has been updated to reflect a response from Clayton Homes issued after this article was published.
      Local activists want to rebuild NorthTown with help of Syrian refugees - Crain's Detroit Business
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 14:07
        September 20, 2015 8:00 a.m.Updated
        Haifa Fakhouri, president and CEO of the Arab American and Chaldean Council, has a vision for Detroit '-- specifically, one square mile of the city.
        A nearly 20-year-old plan to redevelop an area on Seven Mile Road, now known as NorthTown and formerly called Chaldean Town, was stalled several years ago after the first phases were completed.
        Now, Fakhouri and the ACC see opportunity coming from war-torn Syria, where millions have fled seeking asylum across the eurozone to realize the NorthTown project, including new multifamily Section 8 housing.
        She believes as many 5,000 Syrian families seeking refugee status could call NorthTown home and revitalize the blighted neighborhood.
        Fakhouri said the placement of refugees will jumpstart the local economy and create a vibrant district, much like Greektown or Mexicantown, but roadblocks remain.
        "We've met with several organizations and leaders, but it's moving slowly," Fakhouri said. "We can turn the city around and repopulate that area as more and more Syrian refugees need a place to go. We believe in this revitalization project; it will add to the social mosaic of Detroit."
        Tom Kelly, director of government affairs for law firm Clark Hill PLC in Washington, D.C., and adviser to the ACC, said refugees can stabilize the neighborhood while offsetting population losses in the city.
        "That stretch of Seven Mile could be used as an anchor to build up the neighborhood," Kelly said. "The wave of immigrants coming into the region stopped 30 years ago and these neighborhoods desperately need attention. This isn't reinventing the wheel but something other major cities have done and continue to do."
        Red tape in the way?The future of the redevelopment rests on buy-in from federal, state and city governments as well as the pooling of public and private funds.
        The ACC has invested $14 million of its own money into NorthTown since 1998 to build community, human services and youth centers. It also acquired several vacant lots for the multifamily housing units.
        In 2013, it signed a deal with Penrose Village Development Corp. to build 72 single-family homes, but the final phase of building multifamily housing didn't happen because, Kelly said, the city of Detroit never approved the project, and without support, the developer won't break ground.
        "The bureaucracy in the city of Detroit has been discouraging and difficult to navigate," Kelly said. "(The developers) have had trouble identifying who needs to approve plans, and have been sent in many directions that have led nowhere; typical inefficiency, too many layers and incompetence on the part of the city's planning function, which we are aware Mayor (Mike) Duggan is trying to rectify."
        Duggan could not comment on the plan and where it stands in the city's approval process. However, the mayor would welcome Syrian refugees into the city, John Roach, director of communications for Duggan's office, said in an email.
        Kelly said funding could, and should, come from various sources to ensure the refugee resettlement goes smoothly '-- including funds from the U.S. Office of Refugee Resettlement, various nonprofits, Michigan State Housing Development and other state and local agencies.
        Success elsewhereThere are arguments to be made for using refugees for revitalization efforts and using public and private funds to do so.
        Minneapolis-St. Paul and Cleveland both have found at least some success rebuilding neighborhoods with immigrants.
        Cleveland welcomed 4,518 refugees from Bhutan, Ukraine, Burma and Somalia between 2000 and 2012.
        Volunteer agencies (commonly referred to as "volags") and cities spent $4.8 million on refugee services in 2012, according to an economic impact study on the population by Chmura Economics & Analytics. The funds included $2.5 million on wages to staff members at the organizations and $1.1 million on food, clothing and transportation.
        However, the economic impact outpaced the support spending tenfold, the study reported. The economic impact of those refugees in 2012 is estimated at $48 million and the creation of 650 jobs.
        Between 2003 and 2012, the refugees in Cleveland started 38 businesses, employing 141 employees, and accounted for 248 home purchases in Cuyahoga County, according to the study.
        The refugees also created an estimated $2.7 million in tax revenue at the local and state levels.
        In 1980, thousands of Hmong, an ethnic group from rural regions of Laos and Thailand, were granted refugee status and immigrated to the U.S. following the Laotian Civil War, which was rife with ethnic cleansing and military attacks.
        St. Paul, Minn., is home to the largest Hmong population in the U.S. with more than 65,000 people of Hmong decent.
        As of 2013, Hmong businesses in greater Minneapolis-St. Paul had combined revenue of $100 million, according to Asian Americans, an encyclopedia published in 2013 on the economic history of the group.
        However, refugee settlement is not without pitfalls. According to the 2011 American Community Survey by the U.S. Census Bureau, 31 percent of Hmong living in Minnesota live in poverty '-- though that figure has dropped steadily since 1990, when it was 65 percent.
        Kelly said population gains are positive, even if a small number of people are low-income.
        "Considering that 41 percent of Detroit residents live in poverty, 30 percent would be an improvement. Though the national average is 14.5 percent and the Hmong are roughly double that, it's still better than Detroit," Kelly said. "However, the focus should really be on the 70 percent who are not in poverty considering that they came to the U.S. with nothing.
        "Nevertheless, the some-people-are-better-than-no-people argument is salient, especially when you consider all the theory about the impact that watchful people have over crime rates compared to vacant houses."
        Historical supportLocally, Syrians were among the first Middle Eastern immigrants to the state in the late 1880s. By the early 1900s, they were flocking to Detroit seeking employment from Henry Ford and settling in Highland Park and later in Dearborn. Many of them were Chaldeans, who are Catholic Assyrians with roots in Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey.
        Later, in the 1980s, many called the Seven Mile stretch near Woodward Avenue home. It became Chaldean Town in 1999.
        Michigan is now home to an estimated 120,000 people of Syrian and Lebanese descent, according to census data.
        Most live well above the poverty line.
        Syrian immigrants in the U.S. have a median household income of more than $65,000, according to census data, compared to less than $52,000 for native-born Americans, more than $48,000 for Michigan's median household income and nearly $59,000 median household income for Southeast Michigan families.
        Frederick Pearson, director of the Center for Peace and Conflict Studies at Wayne State University, said the U.S., and Michigan, have longstanding traditions of settling refugees with success.
        "If you look to various populations, including the Chaldeans that settled in the same area, that were able to bootstrap their way into economic success," Pearson said. "The people coming from Syria, in many cases, are skilled and they've been displaced.
        "People in this situation are generally dedicated to work; it's an old tradition for our refugee population, going back to our own history with the Jews, Italians and Irish. This is quite a viable plan."
        Gov. Rick Snyder is open to working with the federal government on the issue of Syrian refugees, but is in the early stages of any discussions, Dave Murray, Snyder's deputy press secretary, said in an email.
        Currently, President Barack Obama's administration has authorized the U.S. to accept 10,000 Syrian refugees, but legislators and refugee support groups are urging the U.S. to take in as many as 200,000.
        "If the United States aims to continue as a global humanitarian leader, then it is our obligation to significantly increase the number of refugees we resettle," U.S. Rep. John Conyers, D-Detroit, and other party leaders said in a statement last week.
        But that would take a significant financial commitment from the federal government.
        Kelly worries that the political football over refugees could implode the entire plan.
        "We need to get moving on this; we need Mayor Duggan saying we can do this here, we need the support of our leaders," Kelly said. "People are saying this is far-fetched, but time is of the essence. We have an opportunity to repopulate Detroit by bringing in a new customer base, and I'd hate to see Detroit miss out."
        Dustin Walsh: (313) 446-6042. Twitter: @dustinpwalsh
      A Missionary's Quest to Remake Motor City - NYTimes.com
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 04:11
        THE best way to experience all that is strange and a little otherworldly about downtown Detroit is to walk the streets around 5 p.m. on a weekday. At that hour, you'll notice not just the peculiarity of what is around you '-- notably, the gorgeous, Art Deco skyscrapers alongside empty, decrepit buildings '-- but also what is missing. There is no traffic here. As the workday ends, cars trickle out of underground parking lots and speed off to nearby highways, but in a volume that doesn't cause delays.
        It is just one small sign of how far Detroit's fortunes have fallen: the birthplace of the mass-produced automobile, the city that gave us the infuriating, bumper-to-bumper commute, is now so sparsely populated that it doesn't have a rush hour.
        Dan Gilbert would like to change that. No, he's not interested in a honking pileup of S.U.V.'s. Mr. Gilbert, 51, a Detroit native and the fantastically wealthy founder and chairman of Quicken Loans, wants to revive two square miles that were once the thrumming heart of this city. To do so, he has already spent roughly $1 billion acquiring nearly three million square feet of real estate, and is ready to close another deal, for the Greektown Casino-Hotel and nearby parking lots, that will add one million more square feet to his holdings.
        His real estate company, Bedrock Real Estate Services, is renovating properties, building apartments and wooing corporate tenants. A seven-mile light rail system is in the planning stages, underwritten by a number of businesses and business leaders, including Mr. Gilbert, as well as foundations and a federal grant.
        Along with his employees, civic groups and public-spaces gurus, he is devising strategies to ''activate'' streets with outdoor seating and ground-level retail stores. Taxpayers will kick in a yet-to-be-determined sum for parts of this rehabilitation program, but it will be a fraction of what Mr. Gilbert contributes.
        His plans, according to academics like Brent D. Ryan, author of ''Design After Decline: How America Rebuilds Shrinking Cities,'' amount to one of the most ambitious privately financed urban reclamation projects in American history.
        Opportunity Detroit, as Mr. Gilbert has branded it, is both a rescue mission and a business venture that, if successful, will yield him a fortune. When he started buying in 2011, the city was having what he has described as a ''skyscraper sale.'' Among the bargains was the Dime Building, a 23-story neo-Classical gem of glazed brick and terra cotta trim, designed by Daniel Burnham '-- of Flatiron Building fame '-- and completed in 1912. In August 2011, Bedrock bought all 330,000 square feet of it, reportedly for $15 million. There are high-end apartments in Manhattan that cost more.
        If this area turns around, no one will profit quite like Mr. Gilbert, but the risk looks as great as the potential reward. Even with its auto industry in relatively robust, post-bailout health, Detroit has been on a long, distressing slide. A quarter of its population left in the last decade, and it has $14 billion in long-term debt. The financial situation is so dire that Michigan's governor recently appointed an emergency manager. Detroit remains a national symbol of municipal decline, a victim of macroeconomic trends, poor planning and political corruption.
        Mr. Gilbert is undaunted. Part-owner of a handful of casinos, he is familiar with big bets and steep odds, and, as they say in poker, he is all in. In 2010, he started moving his employees from a nearby suburb, and 7,600 people on his payroll now work downtown.
        ''Not a single one of them has told me, 'I don't want to be here,' '' he said in a recent interview in his office next to downtown's Campus Martius Park, formerly among the city's busiest gathering points and a focus of his campaign. ''Kids coming out of college want that urban core excitement, more and more.''
        DRESSED in a red-checked button-down shirt and a blue blazer, Mr. Gilbert is 5 feet 5 inches of restless energy. He has slicked-back dark hair, a Hollywood smile and dolorous eyes that give him the look of a man in need of sleep. Growing up in Southfield, a nearby suburb, he spent little time in the city. One of his earliest memories is of his father, who owned a nightclub-restaurant in the city, explaining the Detroit riots as the violence unfolded over five days in 1967, leaving more than 40 people dead and 2,500 stores burned or looted.
        It was a searing moment in the city's history, one that highlighted racial disparities that still haunt Detroit.
        ''People my age, we would hear from our parents and grandparents who were raised in Detroit about how great this city was, from 1900 to the 60s,'' Mr. Gilbert said. ''But none of us had any memory of that. And it wasn't until my late 20s and early 30s, when I started traveling for business, to places like New York City and Los Angeles, that I realized how much we were missing. As I started visiting these great American cities, it hit me '-- man, how did we blow this so badly?''
        He seems to consider it his duty to rebuild what a previous generation allowed to fall apart. He aims to turn downtown into a high-tech hub, where young entrepreneurs both live and work. (He and a handful of companies are offering rent and mortgage subsidies to people willing to live downtown.) These pioneers will have easy access to high culture: the city's leading museum, the Detroit Institute of Arts and the Detroit Opera House are nearby, as are stadiums for the city's professional baseball and football teams.
        About 80 small companies have already settled into buildings owned by Bedrock, many of them start-ups funded by Detroit Venture Partners, a venture capital firm co-owned by Mr. Gilbert. A Twitter office is here, too, as is a branch of Uber, the online taxi-calling service. National brands, like Nike, are being courted.
        A master salesman, Mr. Gilbert describes a reinvigorated downtown as though it is inevitable, but there are more than a few skeptics. They include Mr. Ryan, who teaches in the department of urban studies and planning at M.I.T.
        ''Urban renewal always happens as a symphony of events, and part of the symphony is innovative, optimistic developers with the ability and willingness to transform historic properties,'' he said in a recent interview. ''But another part is a strong regional economy. You can't fight the fact that Detroit is a de-industrializing market and it isn't facing dramatic, positive transformation.''
        Mr. Gilbert, though, is not just any innovative, optimistic developer. This is a guy who at age 12 organized a pizza delivery service, with children on bikes rushing store-bought pies to neighbors. (Local restaurants eventually shut down the operation with a complaint to the health department.)
        He remains just as driven, but now his self-made fortune stands at $3.5 billion, according to Forbes. He has learned from mistakes of previous efforts to reimagine downtown, and he and his staff will apparently have a largely free hand. Government officials have promised to expedite permits for renovations, signs and so on.
        ''My job,'' said Dave Bing, the Detroit mayor and former National Basketball Association star, ''is to knock down as many barriers as possible and get out of the way.''
        THE week I went to Detroit to interview Mr. Gilbert, in mid-March, the city was undergoing its latest in a long series of this-must-be-rock-bottom moments. It started on Monday, March 11, when a former mayor, Kwame Kilpatrick, was found guilty of racketeering, extortion and other crimes. Three days later, Gov. Rick Snyder of Michigan introduced Kevyn Orr, a Washington bankruptcy lawyer, as Detroit's emergency manager.
        The appointment was greeted with some vocal resistance, like that of a few dozen protesters who poured into the Coleman A. Young Municipal Center on March 28 for 90 minutes of chants and protest songs. A federal lawsuit contending that the appointment is unconstitutional was filed by a number of unions, local activists, clergy members and others.
        But many locals seemed to decide that usurping local politicians' power was a fine idea. Even Mayor Bing immediately pledged support. He and others '-- Mr. Gilbert included '-- seem to regard the city as an addict and Mr. Orr as a hard-nosed counselor leading an intervention.
        The day before Mr. Orr's appointment was announced, Mr. Gilbert met in a conference room for his twice-a-month Detroit real estate meeting, with about a dozen people who work for him, plus a lawyer and leasing agent. If Detroit 2.0, as this group often calls the effort, has a planning committee, this is it. The conversation started with a long discussion about the terms of a lease with a specialty grocer, then segued into a look at a handful of buildings, some for sale, others already under contract.
        ''There was a massage parlor in that one,'' said Matt Cullen, president of Rock Ventures, one of Mr. Gilbert's companies, as the group looked at a photograph of one less-than-spiffy building.
        ''How would you know that?'' Mr. Gilbert needled.
        Mr. Gilbert speaks with an accent that is Bill Murray-esque, and his default expression is, too: deadpan, which somehow makes him look perpetually on the verge of saying something wry. An inveterate prankster, he recently had a few dozen farm animals, including goats, chicken and geese, hauled into the office of a neat-freak colleague who was turning 50.
        ''You could smell that they were in the building,'' says Bill Emerson, the C.E.O. of Quicken Loans, who was not the target of the prank. ''Some days, I think Dan is just a big kid at heart.''
        If so, he is a big kid who really likes to win. Mr. Gilbert is majority owner of the Cleveland Cavaliers of the N.B.A., and gained brief national fame when the team's star, LeBron James, announced in 2010 that he was decamping for the Miami Heat. Mr. Gilbert issued a statement to fans personally guaranteeing that the Cavs would win an N.B.A. championship ''before the self-titled former 'king' wins one.'' He added: ''You can take it to the bank.''
        Fortunately for Mr. Gilbert, there is no bank for errant predictions. The Heat won the N.B.A. championship last year.
        Thirty minutes into the Detroit real estate meeting, talk turned to Moosejaw, a Michigan seller of outdoor apparel that is the first large retailer to open in downtown in the Gilbert Age. A representative of the chain had been quoted a few weeks earlier in a local newspaper, talking in upbeat but not quite superlative terms about the site, in a building on Woodward Avenue, one of the city's grandest streets and a primary focus of Detroit 2.0.
        The comments weren't rosy enough for Mr. Gilbert. He turned to a woman newly hired as a liaison with retailers and urged her to reach out to Moosejaw's management. ''Tell them we'll do promotions, we'll do whatever they want,'' he said. ''If the one store that moved in were to move out? Forget about it. We're dead.''
        In late March, Mr. Gilbert would announce that Moosejaw had signed a long-term lease. But the chicken-and-egg problem of his vision is that retailers won't come unless there are people on the streets, and people won't walk the streets unless they are lined with retailers. (There is pre-Gilbert retail on ground floors, including a CVS store, but lots of empty spaces, too.)
        The solution is what Mr. Gilbert calls the big bang: bring in as many stores and people, at the same time, as quickly as possible.
        Of course, both retailers and people need to feel secure, and Detroit's dicey reputation is no secret; its murder rate was among the highest in the country last year, and among the city's highest in nearly two decades. So there's a command center in Chase Tower, a Bedrock-owned building where a bank of monitors are watched by security guards, with live feeds from video cameras downtown. It was the one part of Mr. Gilbert's operations deemed off-limits during my tour.
        THESE guards keep an eye on what is actually one of the safest parts of the city. Few people live downtown, which means that the area is largely empty at night, and during the day it is filled with white-collar workers. There are rough patches, and a block-wide hole where the Hudson's department store once stood. But the place feels more sterile than threatening.
        It's the rest of Detroit that could use 24-hour surveillance. One of the looming and unanswered questions posed by Mr. Gilbert's campaign is what, if anything, they will mean for the 137 square miles of the city that are not in his blueprints. To get a sense, I sat in the passenger seat of the Prius owned by George Galster, a professor in the department of urban studies and planning at Wayne State University and author of ''Driving Detroit.'' Professor Galster is steeped in the arcana that shape neighborhoods, like zoning laws and topography, and as he explained early in this three-hour drive, he is the fifth consecutive George Galster to live in Detroit.
        ''My great-great grandfather came here from Germany in 1851,'' he said, easing to the side of Mount Elliott Street, not far from downtown. He put his car in park and pointed to the moribund remains of a large, once-grand building of bricks and wood boards.
        ''This was the church my great-grandfather built,'' he said. ''This is the church where my parents met. It's where I was baptized.''
        Today, it is a hovel that looks too dangerous to enter.
        ''This is what is horrible about Detroit,'' he says, putting his car back into drive. ''It takes away your memories.''
        The surprise about this city is that most of it doesn't look like a city. It looks like a suburb that has gone bankrupt. It's filled with single-family homes '-- some inhabited, many not '-- that sit on streets where other houses have been razed, excavated and plowed over. Once, two million people lived here. Now, it's down to about 700,000, spread around an area large enough to accommodate every acre of land in San Francisco, Boston and the Bronx, combined.
        There are a handful of strikingly lovely neighborhoods, like Sherwood Forest and Indian Village, which is studded with gorgeous Tudor Revival homes. At the opposite end of the spectrum, there are stops in what has become a perversely popular tour of ruins, like Michigan Central Station, designed by the same architects behind Grand Central Terminal and now so hollowed out that you can actually see through it.
        Most of the city, though, is flat and featureless. It lacks what urban planners call ''good bones,'' large structures in dense neighborhoods. Parts of it appear to be in the midst of an evacuation.
        ''We're looking at a lot of torched buildings,'' Professor Galster said.
        Burned homes are among the 5,000 to 8,000 dwellings that are abandoned in Detroit every year, according to Professor Galster. And this highlights one of the city's chronic maladies: a continuing exodus of population and tax base.
        There are many causes '-- the decline of the auto industry and white flight among them '-- but the one that Professor Galster returns to time and again is development in the suburbs.
        ''The villains are the rules of the game,'' he said. ''Developers find it far more profitable to build in farmland in the suburbs than in vacant land in the core. It's easier to acquire big sites without worrying about hidden basements, or gas stations, or a reputation for violence, or corruption or inefficiency or the potential racism of your customers.''
        It makes financial sense for developers, but it is disemboweling the city, he said. Which is why he believes that without reform to housing and development laws, neither Mr. Gilbert nor the emergency manager, nor any combination of earthly forces, can salvage Detroit.
        What if downtown is resuscitated and no improvements are made to any other part of the city? It's a possibility that concerns the Rev. Wendell Anthony, president of the local chapter of the N.A.A.C.P.
        ''What we don't want to see is two Detroits, one for those who are downtown and one for those in the neighborhoods,'' Reverend Anthony said. ''I don't think that is what Mr. Gilbert wants, either. But I know that unless we have viable and strong neighborhoods, downtown will be merely a city near a river. It has to spread, it must spread to the neighborhoods.''
        The uncomfortable reality is that Mr. Gilbert is a white guy trying to change the choicest parts of a city that is 83 percent African-American. A white guy who lives in an affluent village about 20 miles from downtown. But as he explains, his project is just a beginning.
        ''This is not the only solution,'' he said. ''The education system needs to be addressed. But what we're doing is a big part of the solution. I can't think of a great American city that doesn't have a great downtown.''
        WHEN Dan Gilbert was in the fourth grade, he bought candy at wholesale from the father of a friend and sold it at retail prices to classmates. It was the start of a nearly obsessive quest to create enterprises and earn profits. He estimates that he's either invested in or started 70 companies in his career. One early and ill-fated venture was running a short-lived bookmaking operation with some friends while a freshman at Michigan State University. It ended when he was arrested by an undercover agent. He served probation, the charges were dropped and there was no conviction.
        ''We were college teenagers,'' he said.
        Subsequent ventures were more mundane, and far more successful. He later earned a real estate agent's license and, while at Wayne State University Law School, worked part time at a Century 21 office. At some point, he realized that the serious money was in selling mortgages, not homes. So he and two partners, including his younger brother, Gary, went into the mortgage-origination business together. Mr. Gilbert and his partners took out ads in those once-ubiquitous free magazines that listed houses for sale, something that none of his competitors did.
        ''From the very beginning we could make the phones ring,'' Mr. Gilbert said, ''even if we didn't know what to do once they rang.''
        The company, called Rock Financial because it sounded sturdy, would eventually become Internet-based, selling mortgages in all 50 states. It was acquired by Intuit for $532 million in 1999, says Mr. Gilbert, and renamed Quicken Loans. Three years later, after the dot-com bubble burst, the company was sold to a group of investors led by Mr. Gilbert for a sum he put at roughly $55 million.
        This year, Quicken Loans will do $100 billion worth of mortgage business, says Mr. Gilbert, making it the third-largest home lender in the country, behind Wells Fargo and JPMorgan Chase, according to Mortgage Daily.
        Quicken Loans now employs nearly 2,500 mortgage bankers. One morning last month, 300 of them were working on the third floor of the Chase Tower, and a swing through the office was like a visit to a frat party at a telemarketing firm. There were many men and some women with headsets, talking to customers and staring at computer screens '-- nothing novel there. But a karaoke machine sat in an aisle. Guys threw footballs to one another; one employee shot at colleagues with a Nerf gun. Basketball pennants were draped from the ceiling, as part of a March Madness theme.
        ''You should have been here last week,'' said one broker, Nerf gun in hand. ''The theme was spring break. I was wearing shorts, a hat, sunglasses.''
        Mr. Gilbert espouses a philosophy of instilling fun in the workplace, one piece of an elaborate corporate culture that he has fine-tuned over the years, and describes, every few months, in a surprisingly entertaining, seven-hour monologue to new employees. One of more than a dozen core principles described in ''Isms in Action,'' as the lecture is titled, is summed up as ''Obsessed with finding a better way.''
        That could work as a pretty good motto for Opportunity Detroit. It is being designed and unveiled with the city's past missteps in mind. One of the most infamous is the Renaissance Center, a huge, mirrored complex of towers built in 1977 and currently the headquarters of General Motors.
        ''One critic said it was the pre-eminent example of terrible urban planning,'' said Mr. Cullen of Rock Ventures, who formerly worked for G.M. and helped champion the idea of buying the RenCen, as everyone here calls it, and moving the company in. ''The building basically sucked the remaining people out of downtown and stuck them in a fortress.''
        Mr. Gilbert wants to return the area to the pedestrian haven that it was decades ago. If he succeeds '-- he expects significant results within four or five years '-- the place will again resemble the scene captured in a photograph that is plastered on a wall not far from his office. It is a huge, sepia-toned shot of Campus Martius, snapped in 1917. Looking at the picture, you realize that it includes the neighborhood where you are standing, though at a time when it bustled with men and women in hats, strolling amid billboards, retailers and a lineup of trolley cars.
        This urban idyll was a few years from extinction by the time Dan Gilbert was born. If his quest to bring it back to life proves anything, it's that you can feel nostalgia for a place you've never actually been.
      Quicken founder and Warren Buffett have ties beyond Yahoo deal | Reuters
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        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 04:06
        Tue Jun 14, 2016 | 6:40 AM EDT
        ByDan Freed|DETROIT
        DETROIT (Reuters) - The connection between Quicken Loans Inc founder Dan Gilbert and billionaire magnate Warren Buffett became evident last month with news that Buffett was backing Gilbert's surprise bid for Yahoo Inc.
        But the two men have another business connection that hasn't been reported: an exclusive mortgage-purchasing agreement between Quicken and a subsidiary of Buffett's conglomerate Berkshire Hathaway Inc.
        Berkshire owns a company called Vanderbilt Mortgage and Finance Inc, which buys mortgages for traditional houses exclusively from Quicken, Buffett said in an interview. Vanderbilt's primary business is funding mortgages for Clayton Homes, the largest U.S. maker of mobile and manufactured homes, which is also owned by Berkshire.
        "We buy a very few loans unrelated to the manufactured home business, and Quicken is the one we buy them from," Buffett told Reuters.
        Quicken has been selling loans to Vanderbilt for nearly a year in a test program, spokesman Jordan Fylonenko said in an email. The partnership has led to about $20 million in closed loans so far, and Quicken is issuing new loans at a rate that would generate $50 million per year, he said.
        Fylonenko declined to discuss the rationale for its program with Vanderbilt.
        The purchases account for a small portion of either company's business. Quicken, for instance, generated $78.5 billion of mortgages altogether last year. Still, the arrangement shows that Buffett and Gilbert are looking for creative ways to work together.
        Prior to this deal and the Yahoo bid, their only known business relationship was one in which Berkshire provided Quicken insurance for a NCAA basketball contest the lender sponsored in 2014.
        Quicken had said it would award $1 billion to anyone who could perfectly guess winning teams throughout the season. The odds of success were miniscule '' and no one won '' but Quicken received a slew of email addresses and phone numbers for potential customers who entered the contest. It paid Berkshire a premium for providing the insurance.
        Buffett and Gilbert met at a conference some years ago and became friends after having lunch together in Omaha, where Buffett lives. While speaking to Reuters about Quicken, Buffett expressed admiration for Gilbert's management style and boundless energy.
        Meanwhile, in Gilbert's office there are three giant cutouts of Buffett's head stuck to a whiteboard, one of them autographed. The cutouts were made by a printing company Gilbert owns, called Fathead LLC.
        "There could well be more business relationships in the future, but beyond that it's a friendship," Buffett told Reuters.
        (Reporting by Dan Freed; Editing by Lauren Tara LaCapra and Brian Thevenot)
      Clayton home building group unveils tiny home designer series
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        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 04:02
        Last week, the Clayton home building group took their "Low Country" tiny home prototype to the Cashiers Designer Showcase in North Carolina. The event attracted interior designers and builders from around the region to explore new trends.
        "People were very excited," said Jeffrey Dungan, whose company designed the prototype. "It was almost like a childlike response, even with people who are 70 years old. I don't know quite what it is, there's this youthful exuberance when you talk about tiny homes and when they get to actually stand in one."
        Most people were surprised it did not feel like a "playhouse" and that it was actually really comfortable, said Dungan
        Related Photos
        Photos: Clayton home building group unveils tiny home designer series"I could have sold it 15 times. People pulled out their checkbooks and offered money on the spot," said Dungan of the response to the low country-inspired tiny house.
        Dungan, a renowned Birmingham, Ala.-based architect, has partnered with Clayton building group, a division of Clayton Homes and one of America's largest homebuilders, to bring luxury tiny homes to the housing market that the architect would not ordinarily reach.
        The "Low Country" model tiny home, which was showcased in Cashiers, is 396 square feet and retails for $96,000.
        "Clayton approached us to design a series of five homes and this is the first one that they've actually constructed," he said. "Instead of me designing all of them, I have a talented crew that works with me, so everybody took a day to sit around and sketch, look at inspiration and share ideas. We took the best of the bunch and pursued those."
        In addition to the "Low Country" there are four different models in the series: Adirondak, Saltbox, Marseille and Cloudbreak. They range in size from 386-399 square feet.
        The designers looked at different styles of architecture across the country and in Europe. "We looked at the low country in South Carolina, the Saltbox in New England, the Adirondacks in upstate New York, the French countryside, and beach huts in the Bahamas, Cape Cod or Malibu."
        "We really loved the whole attitude of being at the beach and escaping and that's what little houses are about," said Dungan. "Cloudbreak was inspired by beach style, surf shacks and places that sell beer and Jerk chicken in the Bahamas."
        "It's more about designing much more meticulously, designing by the cubic inch rather than by the square foot," said Dungan, who is more accustomed to designing high-end residences with a minimum of 7,000-8,000 square feet.
        Planning and then manufacturing a small home off-site comes with its unique set of challenges according to Dungan. "Everything was a little different," he said. "There were the restraints of working within 400 square feet '-- it couldn't be more than 12 ½ feet wide to get them down the road or more than 12 feet tall to go under bridges." This led to the modification of roof pitch in some cases.
        Dungan admits to never watching shows like "Tiny House Nation".
        "When I started this study, what I reacted to was how DIY they looked," he said. "There was a lack of overall elegance and sophistication in a lot of what I saw."
        Dungan hoped to bring the elegance and sophistication of his firm's work into a tiny place. "I wanted the quality of the Faberge egg with details and wonderful materials," he said. "Because you are doing something small you can afford to work with better materials. I was very impressed with Clayton's joinery, the craftsmanship and just the materials themselves I didn't feel like I was in a less nice space than I was accustomed to."
        Inside the prototype they opted for reclaimed materials such as the ceiling beams and the hardwood floors, and used for wood for the ceilings and vertical ship lap for the walls so there is no Sheetrock at all.
        The exterior is clad in poplar bark siding with cedar shake on the roof.
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        Dungan said it is economical to heat and cool and the windows have the highest insulation value.
        "In all of the designs we were very mindful of the 3-D space," said Dungan. "The vaulted ceiling created wall space for additional storage and sleeping space. It can sleep up to six or eight people and that totally blows my mind."
        They may be small in stature, but do not lack for amenities. The "Low Country" accommodates eight '-- two in the bedroom, two in the loft area, two on a fold-out couch and two bunks. There are large French doors that open out onto a covered front porch, a full-height pantry, as well as a dishwasher and stack washer and dryer.
        The architect likened the production of the "Low Country" prototype to making pancakes.
        "When you are cooking your pancakes if you don't get the heat and batter right for the first one, you adjust it," he said. "For our first pancake, it was a heck of a good one and I'm hoping that our second and third ones will be even better."
        And Dungan said a website is in the works, where buyers can customize their home. Choosing from a myriad colors, materials and exterior options. "It will give people the flexibility to personalize their tiny home," he added.
        Gary Hollingworth, general manager at the Clayton home building facility in Alabama, said that they had been watching the tiny house movement for some time.
        "Being a builder, we saw that it was a bona fide market," he said. "Whether it's millennials looking for less expensive homes or folks looking to downsize, people are interested in tiny houses."
        Lower-cost option
        The Clayton home building group actually has two series of tiny homes in the works in addition to the one created by Jeffrey Dungan. A campground series '-- an entry level tiny house in the $40,000 range and a Lakeside series in the $60,000 range. Although, Hollingworth said these are just ballpark prices, they will vary due to transportation.
        "We thought the campground series might be our core business," said Hollingworth. "However after we partnered with Jeffrey and we saw the designs that came out of it, as well as the reaction in Cashiers, the luxury series might become our core business."
        The tiny homes are built to RVIA code, however Hollingworth said each county has its own standards and that it is important to check on local county zoning rules before purchasing.
        "There will be different points of distribution, but we will concentrate on the Southeast and branch out from there," said Hollingworth.
        "From our standpoint, that is exciting to us. It gives us a chance to be in a market that we have never been in," said Hollingworth. "We expect 9t (the tiny homes) will be second homes for people in the mountains, on the river, on the lake; they still want casement windows, hardwood floors and nice things, but it gives them the opportunity that doesn't cost a half a million dollars to do so."
        Clayton home building group is currently taking pre-orders for their luxury tiny homes and plans to its expanded collection for sale by the end of the year. The Designer Series will be built in the Clayton home building facility in Addison, Ala., which is dedicated exclusively to tiny home construction.
        Clayton home building group will keep the "Low Country" model at their facility to use as a model and the other four models will sit alongside it after production.
        The entire luxury tiny home series, including floor plans can be seen at http://designerseriestinyhomes.com/
        A video of the "Low Country" tiny home is available at https://p.widencdn.net/mgxxy9/The-Low-Country A self-guided 3-D tour of the "Low Country" tiny home is available at https://p.widencdn.net/mgxxy9/The-Low-Country
      It Just Became Easier for Families to Buy a Home in Detroit | Clinton Foundation
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        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 03:58
        From music to the automotive industry, Detroit captured the world's attention as a unique symbol of American ingenuity. Eyes are once again on the Motor City, anxious to see how it recovers from ongoing housing challenges and persistent barriers to attracting and retaining residents. The city's population has shrunk by 25 percent since 2010.
        Detroit's single-family housing finance market is broken. The vast majority of home sales in the city are all cash purchases. While Detroit boasts an abundant and affordable housing stock, qualified homebuyers are largely unable to find mortgages that cover both the appraised cost of the home and the often necessary renovation and repair costs.
        But a new CGI Commitment to Action developed through CGI America hopes to be a game-changer for families and homebuyers in Detroit. Today, Clinton Foundation President Donna Shalala joined Detroit Mayor Mike Duggan and leaders from local banks, nonprofit organizations, major foundations, and the real estate industry to announce the Detroit Home Mortgage initiative, a new program to increase homeownership in Detroit. Starting today, it will help qualified homebuyers access mortgages to purchase a home and pay for necessary renovations.
        CGI's collaborative model made it possible for nearly 20 partners spanning multiple sectors to come together to address this critical housing and financing challenge. I spoke with several of the key players about the obstacles to Detroit's housing recovery, the magnitude of this CGI commitment, and their takeaways for other U.S. cities with similarly distressed housing markets.
        Why the urgency to tackle the Detroit mortgage problem now?To put it plainly, Detroit's mortgage system needs reinvention.
        ''For years, it has been nearly impossible for someone wanting to purchase a home in Detroit to get a conventional mortgage because the appraised value is lower than the cost of the house, let alone needed repairs,'' said Mayor Duggan. ''In 2014, a mere 462 single-family homes in Detroit were mortgaged in 2014. The rest'--88 percent'--were cash sales.''
        The Mayor said that largely because of the broken mortgage market, Detroit has shifted from being a city of owner occupants to a city with a majority of people renting, often paying more that a typic mortgage payment and without building wealth through home equity. ''We want to reverse that trend and give people the opportunity to own their own home. Instead of paying a landlord $800 a month, we want Detroiters to own their home and start to build wealth.''
        On top of the obstacles to mortgaging a home, financing home repairs is also a daunting feat. ''Data show that more than 80 percent of applications in Detroit for home improvement loans were denied,'' said Rip Rapson, President and CEO of the Kresge Foundation. ''Even though there are plenty of affordable houses across Detroit, many of them need extensive repairs and rehabilitation to become livable.''
        Could this be a game-changer in stemming population decline?Detroit lost more than 160,000 residents between 2000 and 2010. The losses have slowed significantly in recent years, but the lack of mortgages and depressed property values have hindered the city's efforts at population growth, despite a relatively affordable housing market.
        Mayor Duggan believes that the Detroit Home Mortgage program can help to turn this problem around. Under the initiative, qualifying borrowers receive a first mortgage for the appraised value of their house, and a second mortgage up to $75,000 to fill the gap between the appraised value and the cost of necessary renovations to live in the home.
        ''This program will open a door to homeownership that has been closed to many Detroiters for a very long time,'' said the Mayor. ''That's a life-changing thing. We truly believe that this will make more people want to purchase a home in Detroit, possibly a vacant home and fix it up. That can help us reverse the 60 year trend of population loss, grow the city's tax base and further strengthen our neighborhoods.''
        Lisa Davis, Program Officer for Equitable Development at the Ford Foundation'--a key architect in developing this CGI commitment'--explained that providing potential homeowners with increased access to financing could allow more people to call Detroit home.
        ''So many of the transactions in Detroit have been cash investors because mortgage credit has been scarce and values have been depressed by cash investors,'' said Davis. ''We are hoping this program will help to stop that vicious cycle and allow people who value living in Detroit and want to buy and fix up their own homes to do so. The homeowners who get the mortgages will benefit'--but so will longtime residents of Detroit who have seen homes on their block go vacant or to absentee investors simply because people who do want to buy and live in them can't get financing.''
        How can prospective homeowners apply for a mortgage?''We have tried to make it as easy as possible for homeowners to take advantage of the Detroit Home Mortgage program,'' said Frank Altman, president and CEO of Community Reinvestment Fund, USA, which is managing the fund and servicing the second mortgage loans. ''All of the participating banks'--Huntington Bank, Flagstar Bank, Talmer Bank and Trust, FirstMerit Bank, and Liberty Bank'--offer the Detroit Home Mortgage on the same terms and at the same low interest rates, with no bank fees.''
        ''Applicants must be in good financial standing with a minimum FICO credit score of 640 (or 600 in some cases) and have the adequate income and the required down payment, which can be as little as 3.5%, to meet program requirements,'' said Altman. ''The home can be anywhere in the city of Detroit and must be the borrower's primary residence. All DHM borrowers also receive homebuyer and specific program education prior to loan closing.''
        How did such a diverse group manage to pull off an initiative this big?Drawing on the ideas and resources of nearly 20 partners, the Detroit Home Mortgage initiative is a collaboration that is unique in both its scale and its complexity.
        ''This is a true partnership with government, private enterprise'Ž, foundations and community all joining together to find a real solution to the mortgage conundrum facing the citizens of Detroit,'' said Gary Torgow, Chair of Talmer Bank and Trust. ''The impetus was a real desire to help solve an issue that only could be done through great collaboration and cooperation.''
        Altman explained how the ambitious initiative was born. ''The idea was conceived at the CGI America conference last June in Denver, when a group of banks, foundations, nonprofits and Mayor Duggan convened to discuss how we all might work collectively to restart the mortgage market in the City of Detroit,'' said Altman. He said that CRF, a community development financial Institution (CDFI), has administered similar housing finance efforts in other communities, but never at this scale.
        ''It is definitely a complex collaboration, but it was vital to involve all these actors to get a program that could operate on a major scale,'' said Altman. ''We see the collaboration as a jumpstart that will increase sales prices and eventually lead to a healthy mortgage market in the city.''
        Meanwhile, partnering foundations provided support in ways that reflect the strength, and new tools, of philanthropy. For example, Kresge is participating as both a traditional grantmaker, but also as an investor through its Social Investment Practice.
        ''Kresge Foundation is not a financial institution, not a bank, not a lender,'' said Rapson. ''But in the last few years we've embraced social investing as a complement to our ability to make grants. We know that a full suite of capital tools'--loans, equity investments, deposits guarantees and grants are necessary to make meaningful headway against complex social problems.''
        ''As a private foundation, we can take risks that traditional financial actors cannot,'' he continued. ''In this case, that means offering a guarantee that will help protect home owners in the case of a hardship life event that makes it difficult to repay their second mortgages.''
        Reflecting the very team mentality that drove the launch of their CGI America commitment, the partners are quick to praise each other, even across sectors. ''I think that the local and regional banks and CDFI's are the real heroes in this program,'' said Davis of the Ford Foundation.
        ''Institutions such as the Community Reinvestment Fund understand that the Detroit market is coming back and that appraisals are lagging real values for homes. It's very heartening to work with CDFIs and local banks who understand the challenge and have the dedication to do the work of lending to everyday people.''
        What are the implications of this commitment outside of motor city?While this collaboration is ambitious, it doesn't have to be unique'--or limited to just one city. As the partners carry out their CGI America commitment over the next three years, they will share lessons that are applicable to other markets.
        ''Unfortunately, there are a number of other cities whose mortgage markets are also broken,'' said Altman. ''The key to replicating the program elsewhere is to find a similar, community-minded group of banks, foundations and public officials who want to create a similar fund. If this approach can work in Detroit, it can work anywhere.''
        People interested in applying for a Detroit Home Mortgage can learn more at detroithomemortgage.org
    Ottomania
      Meet Our Staff | Institute for the Study of Human Rights
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        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 05:04
        David L. Phillips is Director of the Program on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University's Institute for the Study of Human Rights. Phillips has worked as a Senior Adviser to the United Nations Secretariat (Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (1999-2000). He was a Senior Adviser and Foreign Affairs Expert to the U.S. Department of State during the administrations of Presidents Clinton (Bureau for European Affairs 1999-2001), Bush (Bureau for Near Eastern Affairs 2001), and Obama (Bureau for South and Central Asian Affairs 2010-2011).
        Phillips held academic positions at Harvard University's Center for Middle East Studies, Belfer Center for Science in International Affairs, and the Program on Humanitarian Affairs. He was Executive Director of Columbia University's International Conflict Resolution Program, Director of the Program on Conflict Prevention and Peace-building at the American University, Associate Professor at New York University's Department of Politics, and Professor at the Diplomatic Academy of Vienna.
        Phillips worked at think tanks, as Senior Fellow and Deputy Director of the Council on Foreign Relations/Center for Preventive Action, Senior Fellow and Program Director at the Atlantic Council of the United States, Senior Fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Director of the European Centre for Common Ground, and Project Director at the International Peace Research Institute of Oslo.
        Phillips has also served as a foundation executive, as President of the Congressional Human Rights Foundation and Executive Director of the Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity.
        Phillips worked in media as an Analyst, Expert, and Commentator for NBC Universal, CNBC, and the BBC World Service.
        Phillips is author of The Kurdish Spring: A New Map for the Middle East (2014), Liberating Kosovo: Coercive Diplomacy and U.S. Intervention (2012), From Bullets to Ballots: Violent Muslim Movements in Transition (2008), Losing Iraq: Inside the Postwar Reconstruction Fiasco (2005), Unsilencing the Past: Track Two Diplomacy and Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation (2005). His upcoming book is Turkey: An Uncertain Ally (2017).
        Phillips has also authored dozens of policy reports, as well as more than 100 articles in leading publications including The New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Financial Times, International Herald Tribune, Los Angeles Times, Huffington Post, CNBC.com, and Foreign Affairs.
      David L. Phillips - AC4 Link - Columbia University
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        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 05:02
        dp2366@columbia.eduDavid L. Phillips is currently Director of the Program on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University's Institute for the Study of Human Rights. Phillips has worked as a senior adviser to the United Nations Secretariat and as a foreign affairs expert and senior adviser to the U.S. Department of State. He has held positions as a visiting scholar at Harvard University's Center for Middle East Studies, executive director of Columbia University's International Conflict Resolution Program, director of the Program on Conflict Prevention and Peace-building at the American University, Associate Professor at New York University's Department of Politics, and as a professor at the Diplomatic Academy of Vienna. He has also been a senior fellow and deputy director of the Council on Foreign Relations' Center for Preventive Action, senior fellow at the Atlantic Council of the United States, senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, director of the European Centre for Common Ground, project director at the International Peace Research Institute of Oslo, president of the Congressional Human Rights Foundation, and executive director of the Elie Wiesel Foundation. Mr. Phillips is author of From Bullets to Ballots: Violent Muslim Movements in Transition (Transaction Press, 2008), Losing Iraq: Inside the Postwar Reconstruction Fiasco (Perseus Books, 2005), Unsilencing the Past: Track Two Diplomacy and Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation (Berghahn Books, 2005). He has also authored many policy reports, as well as more than 100 articles in leading publications such as the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Financial Times, International Herald Tribune, and Foreign Affairs.
        LinksISHR Peace Building and Human Rights Program
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      David L. Phillips | Huffington Post
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        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 04:56
        David L. Phillips is currently Director of the Program on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University's Institute for the Study of Human Rights. Phillips has served as Foreign Affairs Expert and as Senior Adviser to the U.S. Department of State and as Senior Adviser to the United Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. Phillips has worked at academic institutions as Executive Director of Columbia University's International Conflict Resolution Program, Director of American University's Program on Conflict Prevention and Peace-building, Senior Fellow at Harvard University's Future of Diplomacy Project Fellow and Fellow and at Harvard University's Center for Middle East Studies, and Professor at the Diplomatic Academy of Vienna. He was Deputy Director of the Center for Preventive Action at the Council on Foreign Relations, Senior Fellow at the Preventive Diplomacy Program of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council, and Project Director at the International Peace Research Institute of Oslo. Phillips has also been a foundation executive having been President of the Congressional Human Rights Foundation. Phillips has been an analyst and commentator for NBC News and the British Broadcasting Company. He has authored books, policy reports, and hundreds of articles in leading publications such as the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Financial Times, International Herald Tribune and Foreign Affairs.
      Kurdish''Turkish conflict (1978''present) - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 04:56
        1974''84: Start of the conflictEditIn 1973 a small group under leadership of Abdullah –calan released a declaration on Kurdish identity in Turkey. The group, which called itself the Revolutionaries of Kurdistan also included Ali Haydar Kaytan (tr), Cemil Bayik, Haki Karer and Kemal Pir.[81] The group decided in 1974[52] to start a campaign for Kurdish rights. Cemil Bayik was sent to Urfa, Kemal Pir to Mus, Hakki Karer to Batman, and Ali Haydar Kaytan to Tunceli. They then started student organisations which talked to local workers and farmers about Kurdish rights.[81]
        In 1977, an assembly was held to evaluate the political activities. The assembly included 100 people, from different backgrounds and several representatives from other Leftist organisations. In spring 1977, Abdullah –calan travelled to Mount Ararat, Erzurum, Tunceli, Elazig, Antep, and other cities to make the public aware of the Kurdish issue. This was followed by a Turkish government crackdown against the organisation. On 18 March 1977, Haki Karer was assassinated in Antep. During this period, the group was also targeted by the MHP's Grey Wolves. Kurdish landowners targeted the group as well, killing Halil ‡avgun on 18 May 1978, which resulted in large Kurdish meetings in Erzurum, Dersim, Elazig, and Antep.[81]
        The founding Congress of the PKK was held on 27 November 1978 in Fis, a village near the city of Lice. During this congress the 25 people present decided to found the Kurdistan Workers' Party. The Turkish state, rightist groups, and Kurdish landowners continued their attacks on the group. In response, the PKK employed armed members to protect itself, which got involved in the fighting between leftist and rightist groups in Turkey (1978''1980) at the side of the leftists,[81] during which the right-wing Grey Wolves militia killed 109 and injured 176 Alevi Kurds in the town of KahramanmaraÅŸ on 25 December 1978 in what would become known as the MaraÅŸ Massacre.[82] In Summer 1979, –calan travelled to Syria and Lebanon where he made contacts with Syrian and Palestinian leaders.[81] After the Turkish coup d'(C)tat on 12 September 1980 and a crackdown which was launched on all political organisations,[83] during which at least 191 people were killed[84] and half a million were imprisoned,[85][note] most of the PKK withdrew into Syria and Lebanon. –calan himself went to Syria in September 1980 with Kemal Pir, Mahsum Korkmaz, and Delil Dogan being sent to set up an organisation in Lebanon. PKK fighters took part in the 1982 Lebanon War at the Syrian side.[81]
        The Second PKK Party Congress was then held in Daraa, Syria, from 20 to 25 August 1982. Here it was decided that the organisation would return to Turkey to start an armed guerilla war there for the creation of an independent Kurdish state. Meanwhile, they prepared guerilla forces in Syria and Lebanon to go to war. Many PKK leaders however were arrested in Turkey and sent to Diyarbakir Prison. The prison became the site of much political protest.[81]
        In DiyarbakÄ±r Prison the PKK member Mazlum DoÄŸan burned himself to death on 21 March 1982 in protest at the treatment in prison. Ferhat Kurtay, Necmi –nen, Mahmut Zengin and EÅŸref AnyÄ±k followed his example on 17 May 1982. On 14 July 1982 the PKK members Kemal Pir, M. Hayri DurmuÅŸ, Ali ‡i§ek and Akif YÄ±lmaz started a hunger strike in DiyarbakÄ±r Prison.[86] Kemal Pir died on 7 September 1982, M. Hayri DurmuÅŸ on 12 September 1982, Akif YÄ±lmaz on 15 September 1982, and Ali ‡i§ek on 17 September 1982. On 13 April 1984, a 75-day hunger-strike started in Istanbul. As a result, four prisoners'--Abdullah Meral, Haydar BaÅŸbaÄŸ, Fatih –k¼t¼lm¼ÅŸ, and Hasan Telci'--died.[87]
        1984''99: First insurgencyEdit1984''93Edit
        OHAL region'--defining areas in Turkey under a state of emergency'--in red with neighbouring provinces in orange, 1987''2002The PKK launched its armed insurgency on 15 August 1984[81][88] with armed attacks on Eruh and Semdinli. During these attacks 1 gendarmerie soldier was killed, 7 soldiers, 2 policemen and 3 civilians were injured. It was followed by a PKK raid on a police station in Siirt, two days later.[89]
        In the early 1990s, President Turgut –zal agreed to negotiations with the PKK, the events of the 1991 Gulf War having changed some of the geopolitical dynamics in the region. Apart from –zal, himself half-Kurdish, few Turkish politicians were interested in a peace process, nor was more than a part of the PKK itself.[90] In 1993 –zal was working on the peace plans with the former finance minister Adnan Kahveci and the General Commander of the Turkish Gendarmerie, EÅŸref Bitlis.[91] Negotiations led to a cease-fire declaration by the PKK on 20 March 1993. With the PKK's ceasefire declaration in hand, –zal was planning to propose a major pro-Kurdish reform package at the next meeting of the National Security Council. The president's death on 17 April led to the postponement of that meeting, and the plans were never presented.[92] A month later a PKK ambush on 24 May 1993 ensured the end of the peace process. The former PKK commander Åžemdin SakÄ±k maintains the attack was part of the DoÄŸu ‡alÄ±ÅŸma Grubu's coup plans.[93] Under the new Presidency of S¼leyman Demirel and Premiership of Tansu ‡iller, the Castle Plan (to use any and all means to solve the Kurdish question using violence), which –zal had opposed, was enacted, and the peace process abandoned.[94] Some journalists and politicians maintain that –zal's death (allegedly by poison) along with the assassination of a number of political and military figures supporting his peace efforts, was part of a covert military coup in 1993 aimed at stopping the peace plans.
        1993''1999EditTo counter the growing force of the PKK the Turkish military started new counter-insurgency strategies between 1992 and 1995. To deprive the rebels of a logistical base of operations the military carried out de-forestation of the countryside and destroyed over 3,000 Kurdish villages, causing at least 2 million refugees. Most of these villages were evacuated, but other villages were burned, bombed, or shelled by government forces, and several entire villages were obliterated from the air. While some villages were destroyed or evacuated, many villages were brought to the side of the Turkish government, which offered salaries to local farmers and shepherds to join the Village Guards, which would prevent the PKK from operating in these villages, while villages which refused were evacuated by the military. These tactics managed to drive the rebels from the cities and villages into the mountains, although they still often launched reprisals on pro-government villages, which included attacks on civilians.[95]
        However, the turning point in the conflict[96] came in 1998, when, after political pressure and military threats[97] from Turkey, the PKK's leader, Abdullah –calan, was forced to leave Syria, where he had been in exile since September 1980. He first went to Russia, then to Italy and Greece. He was eventually brought to the Greek embassy in Nairobi, Kenya, where he was arrested on 15 February 1999 at the airport in a joint MÄ°T-CIA operation and brought to Turkey,[98] which resulted in major protests by Kurds world-wide.[97] Three Kurdish protestors were shot dead when trying to enter the Israeli consulate in Berlin to protest alleged Israeli involvement in the capture of Abdullah –calan.[99] Although the capture of –calan ended a third cease-fire which –calan had declared on 1 August 1998, on 1 September 1999[65] the PKK declared a unilateral cease-fire which would last until 2004.[52]
        1999''2004: Unilateral ceasefireEdit
        After the unilateral cease-fire the PKK declared in September 1999, their forces fully withdrew from the Republic of Turkey and set up new bases in the Qandil Mountains of Iraq[89] and in February 2000 they declared the formal end of the war.[97] After this, the PKK said it would switch its strategy to using peaceful methods to achieve their objectives. In April 2002 the PKK changed its name to KADEK (Kurdistan Freedom and Democracy Congress), claiming the PKK had fulfilled its mission and would now move on as purely political organisation.[67] In October 2003 the KADEK announced its dissolution and declared the creation of a new organisation: KONGRA-GEL (Kurdistan Peoples Congress).[100]
        Offers by the PKK for negotiations were ignored by the Turkish government,[67] which claimed, the KONGRA-GEL continued to carry out armed attacks in the 1999''2004 period, although not on the same scale as before September 1999. They also blame the KONGRA-GEL for Kurdish riots which happened during the period.[89] The PKK argues that they only defended themselves as they claim the Turkish military launched some 700 raids against their bases militants, including in Northern Iraq.[88] Also, despite the KONGRA-GEL cease-fire, other groups continued their armed activities, the PÅžK for instance, tried to use the cease-fire to attract PKK fighters to join their organisation.[101] The Kurdistan Freedom Falcons (TAK) were formed during this period by radical KONGRA-GEL commanders, dissatisfied with the cease-fire.[102] The period after the capture of –calan was used by the Turkish government to launch major crackdown operations against the Turkish Hezbollah (Kurdish Hezbollah), arresting 3,300 Hizbullah members in 2000, compared to 130 in 1998, and killing the group's leader H¼seyin VelioÄŸlu on 13 January 2000.[103][104][105] During this phase of the war at least 145 people were killed during fighting between the PKK and security forces.[106]
        After AK Party came to power in 2002, the Turkish state started to ease restrictions on the Kurdish language and culture.[107]
        From 2003 to 2004 there was a power struggle inside the KONGRA-GEL between a reformist wing which wanted the organisation to disarm completely and a traditionalist wing which wanted the organisation to resume its armed insurgency once again.[89][108] The conservative wing of the organisation won this power struggle[89] forcing reformist leaders such as Kani Yilmaz, Nizamettin Tas and Abdullah –calan's younger brother Osman –calan to leave the organisation.[108] The three major traditionalist leaders, Murat Karayilan, Cemil Bayik and Fehman Huseyin formed the new leadership committee of the organisation.[109] The new administration decided to restart the insurgency, because they claimed that without guerillas the PKK's political activities would remain unsuccessful.[67][89] This came as the pro-Kurdish People's Democracy Party (HADEP) was banned by the Turkish Supreme Court on 13 March 2003[110] and its leader Murat Bolzak was imprisoned.[111]
        In April 2005, KONGRA-GEL reverted its name back to PKK.[100] Because not all of the KONGRA-GEL's elements reverted, the organisation has also been referred to as the New PKK.[112] The KONGRA-GEL has since become the Legislative Assembly of the Koma Civakªn Kurdistan, an umbrella organisation which includes the PKK and is used as the group's urban and political wing. Ex-DEP member Z¼beyir Aydar is the President of the KONGRA-GEL.[113]
        Through the cease-fire years 2000, 2001, 2002 and 2003, some 711 people were killed according to the Turkish government.[35] The Uppsala Conflict Data Program put casualties during these years at 368 to 467 killed.[114]
        2004''12: Second insurgencyEdit
        Kurdistan Workers Party supporters in London, April 2003
        On 1 June 2004, the PKK resumed its armed activities because they claimed Turkish government was ignoring their calls for negotiations and was still attacking their forces.[67][89] The government claimed that in that same month some 2,000 Kurdish guerrillas entered Turkey via Iraqi Kurdistan.[52] The PKK, lacking a state sponsor or the kind of manpower they had in the 90s, was however forced to take up new tactics. As result, the PKK reduced the size of its field units from 15''20 militants to 6''8 militants. It also avoided direct confrontations and relied more on the use of mines, snipers and small ambushes, using hit and run tactics.[115] Another change in PKK-tactics was that the organisation no longer attempted to control any territory, not even after dark.[116] Nonetheless, violence increased throughout both 2004 and 2005[52] during which the PKK was said to be responsible for dozens of bombings in Western Turkey throughout 2005.[26] Most notably the 2005 KuÅŸadasÄ± minibus bombing, which killed 5 and injured 14 people,[117] although the PKK denied responsibility.[118]
        In March 2006 heavy fighting broke out around Diyarbakir between the PKK and Turkish security forces, as well as large riots by PKK supporters, as result the army had to temporary close the roads to DiyarbakÄ±r Airport and many schools and businesses had to be shut down.[52] In August, the Kurdistan Freedom Falcons (TAK), which vowed to "turn Turkey into hell,"[119] launched a major bombing campaign. On 25 August two coordinated low-level blasts targeted a bank in Adana, on 27 August a school in Istanbul was targeted by a bombing, on 28 August there were three coordinated attacks in Marmaris and one in Antalya targeting the tourist industry[52] and on 30 August there was a TAK bombing in Mersin.[120] These bombings were condemned by the PKK,[30] which declared its fifth cease-fire on 1 October 2006,[65] which slowed down the intensity of the conflict. Minor clashes, however, continued in the South East due to Turkish counter-insurgency operations. In total, the conflict claimed over 500 lives in 2006.[52] 2006 also saw the PKK assassinate one of their former commanders, Kani Yilmaz, in February, in Iraq.[89]
        In May 2007, there was a bombing in Ankara that killed 6[121][122][123][124] and injured 121 people.[121] The Turkish government alleged the PKK was responsible for the bombing.[125] On 4 June, a PKK suicide bombing in Tunceli killed seven soldiers and wounded six at a military base.[126] Tensions across the Iraqi border also started playing up as Turkish forces entered Iraq several times in pursuit of PKK fighting and In June, as 4 soldiers were killed by landmines, large areas of Iraqi Kurdistan were shelled which damaged 9 villages and forced residents to flee.[127] On 7 October 2007, 40''50 PKK fighters[115]ambushed an 18-man Turkish commando unit in the Gabar mountains, killing 15 commandos and injuring three,[128] which made it the deadliest PKK attack since the 1990s.[115] In response a law was passed allowing the Turkish military to take action inside Iraqi territory.[129] Than on 21 October 2007, 150''200 militants attacked an outpost, in DaÄŸlÄ±ca, Y¼ksekova, manned by a 50-strong infantry battalion. The outpost was overrun and the PKK killed 12, wounded 17 and captured 8 Turkish soldiers. They then withdrew into Iraqi Kurdistan, taking the 8 captive soldiers with them. The Turkish military claimed to have killed 32 PKK fighters in hot pursuit operations, after the attack, however this was denied by the PKK and no corpses of PKK militants were produced by the Turkish military.[115] The Turkish military responded by bombing PKK bases on 24 October[130] and started preparing for a major cross-border military operation.[128]
        This major cross-border offensive, dubbed Operation Sun, started on 21 February 2008[131] and was preceded by an aerial offensive against PKK camps in northern Iraq, which began on 16 December 2007.[132][133] Between 3,000 and 10,000 Turkish forces took part in the offensive.[131] According to the Turkish military around 230 PKK fighters were killed in the ground offensive, while 27 Turkish forces were killed. According to the PKK, over 125 Turkish forces were killed, while PKK casualties were in the tens.[134] Smaller scale Turkish operations against PKK bases in Iraqi Kurdistan continued afterwards.[135] On 27 July 2008, Turkey blamed the PKK for an Istanbul double-bombing which killed 17 and injured 154 people. The PKK however denied any involvement.[136] On 4 October, the most violent clashes since the October 2007 clashes in Hakkari erupted as the PKK attacked the Aktutun border post in Åžemdinli in the Hakkri Province, at night. 15 Turkish soldiers were killed and 20 were injured, meanwhile 23 PKK fighters were said to be killed during the fighting.[137] On 10 November, the Iranian Kurdish insurgent group PJAK declared it would be halting operations inside Iran to start fighting the Turkish military.[138] Turkey counts cost of conflict as Kurdish militant battle rages on[139]
        At the start of 2009 Turkey opened its first Kurdish-language TV-channel, TRT 6,[140] and on 19 March 2009 local elections were held in Turkey in which the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP) won majority of the vote in the South East. Soon after, on 13 April 2009, the PKK declared its sixth ceasefire, after Abdullah –calan called on them to end military operations and prepare for peace.[65] In September Turkey's ErdoÄŸan-government launched the Kurdish initiative, which included plans to rename Kurdish villages that had been given Turkish names, expand the scope of the freedom of expression, restore Turkish citizenship to Kurdish refugees, strengthen local governments, and extend a partial amnesty for PK fighters.[141] The plans for the Kurdish initiative where however heavily hurt after the DTP was banned by the Turkish constitutional court[142] on 11 December 2009 and its leaders were subsequently put on trial for terrorism.[143] A total of 1,400 DTP members were arrested and 900 detained in the government crackdown against the party.[144] This caused major riots by Kurds all over Turkey and resulted in violent clashes between pro-Kurdish and security forces as well as pro-Turkish demonstrators, which resulted in several injuries and fatalities.[142] On 7 December the PKK launched an ambush in ReÅŸadiye which killed seven and injured three Turkish soldiers, which became the deadliest PKK attack in that region since the 1990s.[145][146]
        On 1 May 2010 the PKK declared an end to its cease-fire,[147] launching an attack in Tunceli that killed four and injured seven soldiers.[148] On 31 May, Abdullah –calan declared an end to his attempts at re-approachment and establishing dialogue with the Turkish government, leaving PKK top commanders in charge of the conflict. The PKK then stepped up its armed activities,[149] starting with a missile attack on a navy base in Ä°skenderun, killing 7 and wounding 6 soldiers.[150] On 18 and 19 June, heavy fighting broke out that resulted in the death of 12 PKK fighters, 12 Turkish soldiers and injury of 17 Turkish soldiers, as the PKK launched three separate attacks in Hakkari and Elazig provinces.[151][152]
        Another major attack in Hakkari occurred on 20 July 2010, killing six and wounding seventeen Turkish soldiers, with one PKK fighter being killed.[153] The next day, Murat Karayilan, the leader of the PKK, announced that the PKK would lay down its arms if the Kurdish issue would be resolved through dialogue and threatened to declare independence if this demand was not met.[154][155] Turkish authorities claimed they had killed 187 and captured 160 PKK fighters by 14 July.[156] By 27 July, Turkish news sources reported the deaths of over 100 security forces, which exceeded the entire 2009 toll.[157] On 12 August, however, a ramadan cease-fire was declared by the PKK. In November the cease-fire was extended until the Turkish general election on 12 June 2011, despite alleging that Turkey had launched over 80 military operations against them during this period.[65] Despite the truce, the PKK responded to these military operations by launching retaliatory attacks in Siirt and Hakkari provinces, killing 12 Turkish soldiers.[158]
        The cease-fire was however revoked early, on 28 February 2011.[159] Soon afterwards three PKK fighters were killed while trying to get into Turkey through northern Iraq.[160] In May, counter-insurgency operations left 12 PKK fighters and 5 soldiers dead. This then resulted in major Kurdish protests across Turkey as part of a civil disobedience campaign launched by the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP),[161] during these protests 2 people were killed, 308 injured and 2,506 arrested by Turkish authorities.[162] The 12 June elections saw a historical performance for the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) which won 36 seats in the South-East, which was more than the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which won only 30 seats in Kurdish areas.[163] However, six of the 36 elected BDP deputies remain in Turkish jails as of June 2011.[164] One of the six jailed deputies, Hatip Dicle, was then stripped of his elected position by the constitutional court, after which the 30 free MPs declared a boycott of Turkish parliament.[165] The PKK intensified its campaign again, in July killing 20 Turkish soldiers in two weeks, during which at least 10 PKK fighters were killed.[166] On 17 August 2011, the Turkish Armed Forces launched multiple raids against Kurdish rebels, striking 132 targets.[167] Turkish military bombed PKK targets in northern Iraq in six days of air raids, according to General Staff, where 90''100 PKK Soldiers were killed, and at least 80 injured.[168] From July to September Iran carried out an offensive against the PJAK in Northern Iraq, which resulted in a cease-fire on 29 September. After the cease-fire the PJAK withdrew its forces from Iran and joined with the PKK to fight Turkey. Turkish counter-terrorism operations reported a sharp increase of Iranian citizens among the insurgents killed in October and November, such as the six PJAK fighters killed in ‡ukurca on 28 October.[169] On 19 October, twenty-six Turkish soldiers were killed[170] and 18 injured[171] in 8 simultaneous PKK attacks in Cukurca and Yuksekova, in Hakkari provieen 10,000 and 15,000 full-time, which is the highest it has ever been.[172]
        On summer 2012, the conflict with the PKK took a violent curve, in parallel with the Syrian civil war[173] as President Bashar al-Assad ceded control of several Kurdish cities in Syria to the PYD, the Syrian affiliate of the PKK, and Turkey armed ISIS and other Islamic groups against Kurds.[174] Turkish foreign minister Ahmet Davutoglu accused the Assad government of arming the group.[175] In June and August there were heavy clashes in Hakkari province, described as the most violent in years.[176] as the PKK attempted to seize control of Åžemdinli and engage the Turkish army in a "frontal battle" by blocking the roads leading to the town from Iran and Iraq and setting up DShK heavy machine guns and rocket launchers on high ground to ambush Turkish motorized units that would be sent to re-take the town. However the Turkish army avoided the trap by destroying the heavy weapons from the air and using long range artillery to root out the PKK. The Turkish military declared operation was ended successfully on 11 August, claiming to have killed 115 guerrillas and lost only six soldiers and two village guards.[177] On 20 August, eight people were killed and 66 wounded by a deadly bombing in Gaziantep.[178] According to the KCK 400 incidents of shelling, air bombardment and armed clashes occurred in August.[63] On 24 September, Turkish General Necdet –zel claimed that 110 Turkish soldiers and 475 PKK militants had been killed since the start of 2012.[179]
        2013''15: Solution ProcessEditOn the eve of the 2012 year (28 December), in a television interview upon a question of whether the government had a project to solve the issue, ErdoÄŸan said that the government was conducting negotiations with jailed rebel leader –calan.[180] Negotiations initially named as Solution Process (‡¶z¼m S¼reci) in public. While negotiations were going on, there were numerous events that were regarded as sabotage to derail the talks: Assassination of three Kurdish PKK administrators in Paris (one of them is Sakine CansÄ±z),[181] revealing –calan's talks with Kurdish party to public via Milliyet gazzette[182] and finally, the bombings of the Justice Ministry of Turkey and ErdoÄŸan's office at the Ak Party headquarters in Ankara.[183] However, both parties vehemently condemned all three events as they occurred and stated that they were determined anyway. Finally on 21 March 2013, after months of negotiations with the Turkish Government, Abdullah Ocalan's letter to people was read both in Turkish and Kurdish during Nowruz celebrations in DiyarbakÄ±r. The letter called a cease-fire that included disarmament and withdrawal from Turkish soil and calling an end to armed struggle. PKK announced that they would obey, stating that the year of 2013 is the year of solution either through war or through peace. ErdoÄŸan welcomed the letter stating that concrete steps will follow PKK's withdrawal.[68]
        Kurdish PKK guerilla at the Newroz celebration in Qandil, 23 March 2014On 25 April 2013, PKK announced that it would be withdrawing all its forces within Turkey to Northern Iraq.[184] According to government[185] and to The Kurds[186] and to the most of the press,[187] this move marks the end of 30-year-old conflict. Second phase which includes constitutional and legal changes towards the recognition of human rights of the Kurds starts simultaneously with withdrawal.
        Escalation (2014''15)EditOn 6 and 7 October 2014, riots erupted in various cities in Turkey for protesting the Siege of Kobane. Protesters were met with tear gas and water cannons. 37 people were killed in protests.[188] During these protests, there were deadly clashes between PKK and Hizbullah sympathizers.[189] 3 soldiers were killed by PKK in January 2015,[190] as a sign of rising tensions in the country.
        PKK rebellion (2015''present)EditIn June 2015, the main Syrian Kurdish militia, YPG, and the Turkey's main pro-Kurdish party, HDP, accused Turkey of allowing Islamic State (ISIL) soldiers to cross its border and attack the Kurdish city of Koban® in Syria.[191] The conflict between Turkey and PKK spiraled following the 2015 Suru§ bombing attack on progressive activists, which was blamed on a Turkish ISIL-affiliated group. During the Operation Martyr Yal§Ä±n, Turkey has bombed alleged PKK bases in Iraq and PYD bases in Syria's Kurdish region Rojava, following the PKK's unilateral decision to end the cease-fire (after many months of increasing tensions) and its suspected killing of two policeman in the town of CeylanpÄ±nar (which the group denied carrying out).[192][193][194] Turkish warplanes also bombed YPG bases in Syria.[195]
        Violence soon spread throughout Turkey. Many Kurdish businesses were destroyed by mobs.[196] The headquarters and branches of the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) were also attacked.[197] There are reports of civilians being killed in several Kurdish-populated towns and villages.[198] The Council of Europe raised their concerns over the attacks on civilians and the blockade of Cizre.[199] The number of casualties since July 23 was claimed by Turkish government to be 150 Turkish officers and over 2,000 Kurdish rebels killed (by September).[200] In December 2015, Turkish military operations in the Kurdish regions of southeastern Turkey had killed hundreds of civilians, displaced hundreds of thousands and caused massive destruction in residential areas.[201] According to the Human Rights Watch (HRW) report, "Local human rights groups have recorded well over 100 civilian deaths and multiple injuries."[202]
        The spring of 2016 saw the seasonal uptick in combat activity. In May, a Turkish Bell AH-1 SuperCobra helicopter was documented shot down by a PKK-fired Russian made MANPAD.[203]
        According to figures released by the Anadolu Agency, citing a Turkish security source, from 1984 to August 2015, there were 36,345 deaths in the conflict. This included 6,741 civilians, 7,230 security forces (5,347 soldiers, 1,466 village guards and 283 policemen) and 22,374 PKK fighters by August 2015.[34][228][229][33] Among the civilian casualties, till 2012, were 157 teachers.[230] From August 1984 to June 2007, a total of 13,327 soldiers and 7,620 civilians were said to have been wounded.[42] About 2,500 people were said to have been killed between 1984 and 1991, while over 17,500 were killed between 1991 and 1995.[231] The number of murders committed by Village Guards from 1985 to 1996 is put at 296 by official estimates.[232]
        Contrary to the newest estimate, earlier figures by the Turkish military put the number of PKK casualties much higher, with 26,128 PKK dead by June 2007,[42] and 29,704 by March 2009. Between the start of the second insurgency in 2004, and March 2009, 2,462 PKK militants were claimed killed.[35] However, later figures provided by the military for the 1984''2012 period, revised down the number of killed PKK members to 21,800.[233]
        Both the PKK and Turkish military have accused each other of civilian deaths. Since the 1970s, the European Court of Human Rights has condemned Turkey for the thousands of human rights abuses against Kurdish people.[234][235] The judgments are related to systematic executions of Kurdish civilians,[236] torturing,[237] forced displacements,[238] thousands of destroyed villages,[239][240][241] arbitrary arrests,[242] murdered and disappeared Kurdish journalists.[243]
        According to human rights organisations since the beginning of the uprising 4,000 villages have been destroyed,[43] in which between 380,000 and 1,000,000 Kurdish villagers have been forcibly evacuated from their homes.[244] Some 5,000 Turks and 35,000 Kurds,[43] have been killed, 17,000 Kurds have disappeared and 119,000 Kurds have been imprisoned by Turkish authorities.[39][43] According to the Humanitarian Law Project, 2,400 Kurdish villages were destroyed and 18,000 Kurds were executed, by the Turkish government.[244] In total up to 3,000,000 people (mainly Kurds) have been displaced by the conflict,[45] an estimated 1,000,000 of which are still internally displaced as of 2009.[245] The Assyrian Minority was heavily affected as well, as now most (50-60 thousand/70,000) of its population is in refuge in Europe.
        Pro-PKK[citation needed]Sebahat Tuncel, an elected MP from the BDP, put the PKK's casualties at 18,000 as of July 2011.[246]
        The Uppsala Conflict Data Program recorded 25,825''30,639 casualties to date, 22,729''25,984 of which having died during the first insurgency, 368''467 during the cease-fire and 2,728''4,188 during the second insurgency. Casualties from 1989 to 2011, according to the UCDP are as following:[114]
        YearLow EstimateHigh Estimate19892272341990245303199130431019921,5181,59819932,0992,39419944,0004,48819953,0763,95119963,5333,57819974,2475,48319981,9522,03919991,4031,48120001731892001819620023510020037982200418032220053246112006210274200745850920085011,068200912814920103284332011599822Total:25,82530,639The conflict's casualties between 1984 and March 2009 according to the General Staff of the Republic of Turkey, Turkish Gendarmerie, General Directorate of Security and since then until June 2010 according to Milliyet's analysis of the data of the General Staff of the Republic of Turkey and Turkish Gendarmerie were as following:[35]
        YearSecurity ForcesCiviliansInsurgentsTotal198426432897198558141201400198651133742581987712379540319885410912328619891531781795101990161204368733199124423337685319926298321,1292,59019937151,4793,0505,24419941,1459922,5104,64719957723134,1635,24819966081703,7894,56719975181587,5588,2341998383852,5563,0241999236831,4581,78720002917319365200120810413220027719332003316387181200475281222252005105301883232006111381322812007146373154982008171516969182009621865145201072---Total:6,6535,68729,70442,044Both Turkey and the PKK have committed numerous human rightsabuses during the conflict. Former French ambassador to Turkey Eric Rouleau states:[249]
        According to the Ministry of Justice, in addition to the 35,000 people killed in military campaigns, 17,500 were assassinated between 1984, when the conflict began, and 1998. An additional 1,000 people were reportedly assassinated in the first nine months of 1999. According to the Turkish press, the authors of these crimes, none of whom have been arrested, belong to groups of mercenaries working either directly or indirectly for the security agencies.
        Abuses by the Turkish sideEditSince the 1970s, the European Court of Human Rights has condemned Turkey for the thousands of human rights abuses against Kurdish people.[234][235] The judgments are related to systematic executions of Kurdish civilians,[236] forced recruitments,[236] torturing,[237] forced displacements,[250] thousands of destroyed villages,[251] arbitrary arrests,[252] murdered and disappeared Kurdish journalists.[253] The latest judgments are from 2014.[236]
        In 1993, Mehmet Ogut, his pregnant wife and 7 children were burned to death by Turkish special forces soldiers. The Turkish authorities blamed the PKK and refused to investigate it. After 20 years, the investigations were started and they eventually came to an end in late 2014 with sentences of life imprisonment for three gendarme officers, a member of the special forces and nine soldiers.[254]
        On 26 March 1994 the Turkish military planes (F-16's) and a helicopter circled two villages and bombed them, killing 38 Kurdish civilians.[236] The Turkish authorities blamed the PKK and took pictures of the dead children and spread in the press. The European Court of Human rights condemned Turkey to pay 2,3 million euros to the families of victims.[236] The event is known as the KuÅŸkonar massacre.
        In 1995, Human Rights Watch reported that it was common practice for Turkish soldiers to kill Kurdish civilians and take pictures of their corpses with the weapons, they carried only for staging the events. Killed civilians were shown to press as PKK "terrorists".[255]
        In 1995, The European newspaper published in its front page pictures of Turkish soldiers who posed for camera with the decapitated heads of the KurdishPKK fighters. Kurdish fighters were beheaded by Turkish special forces soldiers.[256][257]
        In 1997, Amnesty International (AI) reported that, "'Disappearances' and extrajudicial executions have emerged as new and disturbing patterns of human rights violations ..." by the Turkish state.[258]
        In 2006 it was stated by the former ambassador Rouleau that the continuing human rights abuses of ethnic Kurds is one of the main obstacles to Turkish membership of the E.U.[259]
        In August 2015, Amnesty International reported that the Turkish government airstrikes killed eight residents and injured at least eight others '' including a child '' in a flagrantly unlawful attack on the village of Zergele, in the Kandil Mountains in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.[260]
        Human Rights Watch notes that:
        As Human Rights Watch has often reported and condemned, Turkish government forces have, during the conflict with the PKK, also committed serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, including torture, extrajudicial killings, and indiscriminate fire. We continue to demand that the Turkish government investigate and hold accountable those members of its security forces responsible for these violations. Nonetheless, under international law, the government abuses cannot under any circumstances be seen to justify or excuse those committed by Ocalan's PKK.[261]The Kurdish Workers Party (PKK), a separatist group that espouses the use of violence for political ends, continues to wage guerrilla warfare in the southeast, frequently in violation of international humanitarian law, or the laws of war. Instead of attempting to capture, question and indict people suspected of illegal activity, Turkish security forces killed suspects in house raids, thus acting as investigator, judge, jury and executioner. Police routinely asserted that such deaths occurred in shoot-outs between police and "terrorists." In many cases, eyewitnesses reported that no firing came from the attacked house or apartment. Reliable reports indicated that while the occupants of raided premises were shot and killed, no police were killed or wounded during the raids. This discrepancy suggests that the killings were summary, extrajudicial executions, in violation of international human rights and humanitarian law.[262]Turkish''Kurdish human right activists in Germany accused Turkey of Using Chemical Weapons against PKK. Hans Baumann, a German expert on photo forgeries investigated the authenticity of the photos and claimed that the photos were authentic. A forensics report released by the Hamburg University Hospital has backed the allegations. Claudia Roth from Germany's Green Party demanded an explanation from the Turkish government.[263] The Turkish Foreign Ministry spokesman Sel§uk 'nal commented on the issue. He said that he did not need to emphasize that the accusations were groundless. He added that Turkey signed to the Chemical Weapons Convention in 1997, and Turkey did not possess chemical weapons.[264] Turkey has been a signatory to the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on their Destruction since 1997, and has passed all inspections required by such convention.[265]
        In response to the activities of the PKK, the Turkish government placed Southeastern Anatolia, where citizens of Kurdish descent are in the majority, under military rule. The Turkish Army and the Kurdish village guards loyal to it have abused Kurdish civilians, resulting in mass migrations to cities.[266] The Government claimed that the displacement policy aimed to remove the shelter and support of the local population and consequently, the population of cities such as DiyarbakÄ±r and Cizre more than doubled.[267] However martial law and military rule was lifted in the last provinces in 2002.
        Abuses by the PKKEditIn 1993, Human Rights Watch stated the following about the tactics of the PKK when it was Marxist-Leninist organization (PKK changed its ideology in 2001):
        Consequently, all economic, political, military, security institutions, formations and nationalist organizations'--and those who serve in them'--have become targets. PKK has attacked Turkish authorities outside of Kurdish areas.The PKK is against Turkish political parties, cultural and educational institutions, legislative and representative bodies, and "all local collaborators and agents working for the Republic of Turkey."[261]Many who died were unarmed civilians, caught in the middle between the PKK and security forces, targeted for attacks by both sides.[262]In the early 1990s, the PKK executed bakers that delivered bread to army bases, burnt down and killed the owners of fuel stations that served the authorities in the areas they were active in. They forbid the distribution of Turkish newspapers and the watching of Turkish television channels, forcing the inhabitants to remove their antennae. The inhabitants were banned from joining any Turkish political party and were forced to get the approval of the PKK if they were to run for local offices. The PKK attacked schools as they were seen as "emblems of Turkish imperialism" that belonged to the "colonial assimilation system"; 47 teachers were killed in 1993 alone. A justification for the killing of teachers was that they taught Turkish to Kurdish children.[268] According to Amnesty International reports in 1997, the PKK has killed and tortured Kurdish peasants and its own members that were against them in the 1980s. Dozens of Kurdish civilians have been abducted and killed because they were suspected of being collaborators or informers.[269] According to a 1996 report by Amnesty International, "in January 1996 the [Turkish] government announced that the PKK had massacred 11 men near the remote village of G¼§l¼konak. Seven of the victims were members of the local village guard forces".[270]
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        Best Answer: Turkey is a republic formed from the remnants of the Ottoman empire. The Ottoman Empire was a Turkish dominated empire run from Constantinople (Istanbul) that included Arabs, Turks, Jews, Greeks, Kurds, Armenians, and many other groups. When the empire was split up, Turkey was formed from the remaining turkish-speaking areas of the former empire, while the rest of the empire was split up by the Western powers into modern-day Lebanon, Syria, Israel, Palestine, Jordan, Iraq, etc.Under the Leadership of Ataturk, Turkey was formed as a republic- but a turkish republic. Conflicts ensued with Armenian and Greek minorities who suffered greatly. While the predecessor Ottoman Empire had been a multi-ethnic state, the new Turkey was based on Turkish nationalism and did not include non-Turkish areas of the former empire- except, of course, for Kurdistan, or the traditional homeland of the Kurds. They were the only large non-turkish group who were "assimilated" into the new republic.While most of the nations that had previously lived under Ottoman rule eventually achieved nationhood, The Kurds, who live in Southeastern Turkey, Northern Syria, Northern Iraq, and Iran, were not able to form their own state. Since they live in a large region in Southern and Eastern Turkey, the Turkish state has never been keen on granting them independence. And since Turkey is a centralized republican (and sometimes military) democracy, the authorities have never looked kindly upon Kurdish autonomy. Many believe that could undermine the unity of Turkey.In order to further "assimilate" this area of non-turks, Turkey has often resorted to extreme- and absurd- measures. Laws banning the use of the Kurdish language were common. Kurdish radio and TV still struggles in Turkey. Official Turkish documents do not even recognize Kurds as a distinct people- referring to them as "Mountain Turks"On the other hand, many Turks condemn the various Kurdish paramilitary and guerrilla groups (sometimes called "Peshmerga") who have occasionally resorted to terrorism and violence against Turkish people. The armed conflict between the Turkish military and Kurdish separatists has cost many lives and has fomented the hatred between the groups.So the bitterness between the groups in modern times stems from the period of the founding of Turkey, but has been nourished by years of paramilitary struggle, racial misunderstanding, terrorism, and political oppression. The Kurds were denied a state and Turkey was left with a large group of non-Turks that threatened the ideology of a strong and united Turkish republic.
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      The ISIS-Ankara Oil Pipeline | The Rojava Report
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        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 04:44
        In a new report for Radikal journalist Fehim TaÅŸtekin has written about the the shipment of blackmarket oil from Syria to Turkey and the role that the Turkish state has played in facilitating such shipments. Much of the oil being shipped from Syria and Iraq is controlled by the Islamic State (ISIS) and remains a major source of financing for the group.
        TaÅŸtekin visited the the town of HacÄ±paÅŸa in Hatay Province, where he spoke with locals and documented the presence of improvised pipelines for carrying oil across the border, writing ''the pipelines begin on the Syrian-side of the border in Ezmerin and pass through Asi. They run through fields and under the stonestreets of the town and come out in the back courtyards of local houses. The oil is pumped from the other side and fills storage tanks in these courtyards. The pipeline is run by commanders on both sides who coordinate the pumping of oil by cellphone. Sometimes when a commander is late the oil spills out onto the ground. The oil which comes from ISIS controlled Deyr el Zor and Rakka costs 1.25 Turkish liras a liter when it reaches its end user in Turkey. Even if a barrel or two goes to waste its no big deal. Customers come to the door and fill up 70 liter drums. This is the prize for local villagers who are support the [Turkish] state's Syria policy. A Turkish military outpost 100 meters away with a clear view of the border can easily watch the refugees coming and going from Asi on rafts with fuel, tea, olives and other smuggled goods. Now that the state wants to quell news that ISIS oil refined using primitive methods is being consumed in Turkey it has been intervening in this network since March. The Jandarma has cut the pipelines where they come out of the fields into the road. Thousands of meters of pipeline has been collected from these fields. The Turkish military has established a checkpoint to prevent smuggling. The whole network has come to a halt and the partnerships have been broken. Those who have been earning a living for three years smuggling are now revolting'...''
        Local Testimonies
        TaÅŸtekin collected testimonies from locals, many of whom are involved in the transport of oil from Syria to Turkey. He withheld their names out of fear for their safety. Below is some of what they had to say.
        -Between 80 and 90% of local families are involved in the oil smuggling. Although most of the pipes have been cut a limited amount of oil continues to flow.
        -The state is well aware of the oil smuggling. Everything happened in front of the military. Some locals even brought pipe-laying machinery from Japan. It was something done in plain sight.
        -Between 30-50 tankers of oil passed every day.
        -When one local's vehicle was stuck in the mud beside a pipeline, the military brought a tank to get it out. ''Then it was legal'' he asked ''why is now illegal? What changed?''
        -Starting in March the situation changed. Soldiers open fire on anyone who approaches the border.
        -Locals helped everyone in Syria. They also helped some Turkish officials to cross the border.
        -Truck drivers with whom TaÅŸtekin met complained about the state's intervention in the trade and the obivous double standards it entails, saying ''Ok let's say that the oil was cut as a precaution against ISIS. But the militants continue to cross everywhere. Go to Esentepe and you will see.''
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      Rojava's Sustainability and the PKK's Regional Strategy - The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
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        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 04:38
        As the Kurds continue to pursue their goal of a contiguous territory in northern Syria, various nonmilitary factors will determine whether their nascent statelet is viable in the long term, including a host of demographic, economic, water, and oil issues.
        Although it is still difficult to predict the future of Syria as a whole, the existence of an increasingly autonomous Kurdish region along the country's northern frontier has become a reality. For now, the boundaries of this "Rojava" remain blurred and might be different from those officially claimed by the Syrian Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD). Yet the group's ongoing efforts to expand and merge its cantons reflect a firm commitment to gathering Syria's Kurds into an economically viable statelet that extends tantalizingly close to the Mediterranean Sea -- a prospect that could also advance the goals of its parent organization in Turkey, the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).
        Click on map to view high-resolution version.
        KURDISH POPULATION BARELY A MAJORITY IN ROJAVASince its January 2015 victory in Kobane, the PYD has continued to expand its territory. Most of this expansion has come at the expense of the Islamic State (IS), but the Kurds have also seized areas from other rebels in the Azaz corridor (see "Kurdish Forces Bolster Assad in Aleppo") and from the Syrian army in Hasaka. Even if these areas are only a few square miles in size, they are nonetheless strategically important; for example, Hasaka is a provincial capital, so any neighborhoods gained there are significant.
        From the homogeneously Kurdish areas of Afrin, Kobane, and Qamishli, the PYD has set out to conquer mixed Arab-Kurdish territories and even some non-Kurdish areas. The group's ultimate aim is to establish territorial contiguity between its Kurdish strongholds, a goal that it furthered by taking Tal Abyad in spring 2015 and Manbij earlier this month (technically, the Manbij offensive was conducted by the mixed Arab-Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces, or SDF, but the Kurds dominate that coalition). The rationale for the February conquest of al-Shadadi in southern Hasaka province -- a non-Kurdish territory -- was to control nearby oil wells and cut the Islamic State's road between Mosul and Raqqa.
        Click on map to view high-resolution version.
        Today, the PYD controls a territory in which about 2 million people live but only 60 percent are Kurdish (see PolicyWatch 2528, "Ethnic Cleansing Threatens Syria's Unity"). In the eastern Jazira canton (aka Cizire) and the central Kobane canton, Kurds constitute a slight majority of the population (55 percent). In the western Afrin district (an official Syrian administrative division), the population is nearly 100 percent Kurdish, but the PYD's maps of Rojava indicate that the "Afrin canton" will eventually incorporate Azaz, Jarabulus, northern al-Bab, and northern Manbij districts -- an outcome that would dilute the Kurdish population share to around 30 percent. Presumably, the PYD will not try to conquer the Arab and Turkmen territories of Azaz and Jarabulus in the next few months, since they are a low strategic priority at the moment and too sensitive for Turkey; just yesterday, Ankara launched new military operations in the Jarabulus area.
        For demographic and strategic reasons, the Kurds also have no desire to attack Raqqa, the capital of the so-called IS "caliphate," at least not until they are able to link Afrin and Kobane. If IS begins to pose a serious threat to Rojava from Raqqa, the Kurds might launch an offensive there, as they did against al-Shadadi when local IS forces threatened Hasaka. But al-Shadadi is fifteen times less populated than Raqqa, so the calculus would likely be different.
        Click on map to view high-resolution version.
        ETHNIC CLEANSING?The more the PYD expands its territory, the more it will have to integrate non-Kurdish populations. This is particularly true in the Manbij area between the Euphrates River and Afrin, where Kurds represent less than a quarter of the population. But the PYD seems set on the goal of connecting the cantons, and the group's leaders believe that various "Kurdization" efforts could help bring a large part of the population under their banner. Village names and maps published under the French Mandate indicate that a significant proportion of locals who are officially classified as Arabs actually have Kurdish origins. In the face of PYD domination, these Arabic-speaking Kurds could conveniently choose to reconnect with their Kurdish roots. Moreover, the demography of the area may be substantially modified if the Arab refugees who once lived there do not return; Kurdish refugees are much more likely to return given the PYD's ascension. This is particularly true in Tal Abyad district, where Arabs who supported IS are persona non grata.
        Unfortunately, the Kurds might also choose to overcome their demographic weakness in some parts of Rojava by engaging in ethnic cleansing or allying with Arab tribes that want to side with the strongest player in order to exact revenge. For example, many tribes want nothing more than to eliminate rivals that have sided with IS; this is the strategy of the Shammar clan led by the Sheikh Hamidi Daham al-Hadi in southeast Hasaka. The PYD also hopes to attract some of the one million Kurds currently living in Damascus and Aleppo. For that to happen, however, it would need to greatly improve the bad economic situation in Rojava.
        WATER SCARCITYPrior to the war, the Assad regime deliberately left Kurdish areas underdeveloped, mainly as a way of spurring the Kurds to migrate to big cities where they could be Arabized more easily. Similarly, the Jazira region was treated as a kind of "internal colony" devoted solely to grain and cotton production. Today, agriculture there remains very traditional and has suffered dramatically from water scarcity since the turn of the century. Overconsumption of water on the Turkish side of the border has reduced supplies in northern Syria, and Assad regime made no serious attempt to solve the problem. Unlike in the Euphrates Valley, where farmers receive cheap and abundant water due to state irrigation projects, farms in Jazira are supplied by private wells. In the years leading up to the war, drought and the tripling price of fuel for motorized pumps caused a significant reduction in Hasaka's cultivated areas (see PolicyWatch 2622, "Water Issues Are Crucial to Stability in Syria's Euphrates Valley").
        An extensive Tigris River irrigation project was planned for 2008, but the lack of political will in Damascus and the eventual uprising prevented its implementation. After the war, water scarcity may be the main problem facing Rojava because agriculture is the local population's main source of income. Even if administrators prioritize the Tigris pump station, they will need to broker an agreement with Iraq and Turkey to tap into the river. Bashar al-Assad reached such an agreement with Ankara in 2008, but now all the parameters have changed.
        In addition, Kurdish control of Tishrin Dam on the Euphrates could present opportunities to develop irrigation in western Rojava, which also suffers from shortages. Yet any such efforts would likely create problems with Arab farmers living downstream.
        ROJAVA OIL IS NOT YET EXPORTABLEThe presence of oil wells in Jazira is an asset for Rojava; before the war, the oil fields at al-Malikiyah and al-Shadadi produced around one-third of the country's 380,000 barrels/day of crude. Since then, that figure has collapsed due to lack of maintenance and closed pipelines. Nevertheless, oil has become a major source of revenue for the Rojava administration, and it gives them the potential for future energy autonomy. Down the road, Rojava could export most of its production if it finds an adequate transportation solution.
        Direct export across Turkey seems impossible for political reasons. If the original pipeline to the Syrian coastal terminal of Banias were reopened, Rojava could eventually sell oil to the Syrian government, but Damascus would surely oppose paying full price for "its own oil." Alternatively, the Syrian Kurds could use the Iraqi Kurdish pipeline to Turkey, though that would require reaching an agreement with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). The party currently in power there, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), has very bad relations with the PYD due to decades-long tensions with the PKK; the Iraqi and Turkish groups follow entirely different ideologies and are led by strong leaders who detest each other. Partly as a result, trade between the Syrian Kurds and the KRG has been erratic. These obstacles could cause long-term problems for Rojava because the KRG is its only land connection with the outside world besides the Turkish border (which is closed) and the Euphrates Valley (which IS controls).
        A PKK CORRIDOR TO THE MEDITERRANEAN?The oil situation highlights the main barrier to Rojava's sustainability: its isolation. Kurdish society is very resilient and can accept Spartan living conditions, but many people have been leaving the PYD's areas of control. To stop the population hemorrhage, the PYD will need to develop the economy, which requires the free movement of goods to and from other countries. Yet relations with Turkey and the KDP may not improve anytime soon, and the timeline for eradicating IS and stabilizing the Euphrates is uncertain.
        Click on map to view high-resolution version.
        Therefore, the only alternative may be to establish a western connection with Aleppo and the regime-controlled zone, which would require the PYD to accelerate its timeline for creating a territorial link between Afrin and Kobane. In this regard, it is important to remember that the PYD is the PKK's offspring and shares its regional goals. Extending Rojava all the way to the Mediterranean could facilitate both independence for Turkish Kurdistan and greater integration with the KRG, assuming Washington can eventually pressure the KRG into opening its border with Rojava. To be sure, the PYD has not mentioned any ambition to reach the Mediterranean, and bridging the seventy-kilometer gap between Rojava's claimed western border and the coast would entail great obstacles. Not only is the area populated entirely by non-Kurds, but Turkey and whoever controls the Alawite heartland would object strenuously. Yet at least some Kurds no doubt dream of establishing a Kurdish port, however distant the prospect.
        Finally, the war could usher in other territorial outcomes that further the PYD/PKK regional project, such as an Alawite state on the coast and/or a Sunni Arab state further east. Official maps of Rojava already envision a western boundary that runs all the way to the edge of the Alawite heartland, so establishing friendly economic relations and coastal access privileges with such entities in the long term is not out of the question.
        Fabrice Balanche, an associate professor and research director at the University of Lyon 2, is a visiting fellow at The Washington Institute.
      rojava map 2016 - Google Search
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        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 04:35
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        {"id":"QFmPLCs-IWLEKM:","oh":1500,"ou":"http://i.imgur.com/1OF51IT.png","ow":2188,"pt":"overview for CizireCanton","rh":"reddit.com","ru":"https://www.reddit.com/user/CizireCanton/?sort\u003dhot","th":90,"tu":"https://encrypted-tbn3.gstatic.com/images?q\u003dtbn:ANd9GcSE2GcQ2C_kSy5h7g-odvY3nKvyy3mtnC8-BIstUt0bsu9FgmoCXr7Skmk","tw":131}
        {"id":"iz0D_0oxd4W0dM:","oh":468,"ou":"https://middleeastcrossroads.files.wordpress.com/2016/02/20160216-rojavamap.jpg?w\u003d833\u0026h\u003d468","ow":833,"pt":"Syrian refugee camp in crossfire \u2013 At the Crossroads","rh":"middleeastcrossroads.wordpress.com","ru":"https://middleeastcrossroads.wordpress.com/2016/02/18/syrian-refugee-camp-in-crossfire/","th":90,"tu":"https://encrypted-tbn3.gstatic.com/images?q\u003dtbn:ANd9GcR_6ZEONKPl0GS4bd9rx8IQBc9cBXYZfz9wDhvsecLCNMTbMpfYIpZBuTVw","tw":160}
        {"id":"t8LjCo7El0pMRM:","oh":2107,"ou":"http://images.huffingtonpost.com/2016-01-22-1453434460-9396985-Syriancivilwarmap.png","ow":2502,"pt":"The Crowded Syrian Battlefield: Is a Turkish Invasion Next ...","rh":"huffingtonpost.com","ru":"http://www.huffingtonpost.com/joseph-v-micallef/the-crowded-syrian-battle_b_9045794.html","th":98,"tu":"https://encrypted-tbn3.gstatic.com/images?q\u003dtbn:ANd9GcQwwr7pwGuVSHelTz7FPTLgWhqLkReAE5nxT7Ho1sqKy6jlnOifmqNl8rc","tw":116}
      Rojava - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 04:32
        Rojava (IPA: [roÊ'É‘ËËvÉ‘], "the West"), also known as Western Kurdistan (Kurdish: Rojavayª Kurdistanª'Ž)[14][15] or Syrian Kurdistan,[16][17] is a de factoautonomous region originating in and consisting of three self-governing cantons in northern Syria: Afrin Canton, Jazira Canton and Koban® Canton, and the unofficial Shahba region.[18] In terms of governates of Syria, Rojava is formed of most of al-Hasakah Governorate, northern parts of Al-Raqqah Governorate and northern parts of Aleppo Governorate.
        The region gained its autonomy in November 2013, as part of the ongoing Rojava conflict, establishing a society based on principles of direct democracy, gender equality, and sustainability.[19] Rojava is unrecognized as autonomous by the government of Syria[20] and is a participant in the Syrian Civil War.[21] On 16 March 2016, the de facto administration of Rojava declared the establishment of a federal system of government as the Federation of Northern Syria '' Rojava (Kurdish: Federasyona Bakurª S>>riyª '' Rojava'Ž, Arabic: Ù…Ù†Ø·Ù‚Ø(C) Ø§ÙØ¥Ø¯Ø§Ø±Ø(C) Ø§ÙÙƒØ±Ø¯ÙŠØ(C) ÙÙŠ Ø´Ù…Ø§Ù Ø"ÙØ±ÙŠØ§'Ž'Ž).[22][23][24]
        In the Kurdish national narrative, Rojava is one of the four parts of a Greater Kurdistan.[25] However, Rojava is factually and programmatically polyethnic.[1][26] The cantons of Rojava are home to sizable ethnic Kurdish, ethnic Arab and ethnic Assyrian population, with smaller minorities of Syrian Turkmen, Armenians and Circassians, and this diversity is mirrored in constitution, society and politics.
        Contents
        Geography
        Historical background
        Rojava takes up a region known as the Fertile Crescent, and includes archaeological sites dating to the Neolithic (such as Tell Halaf). In antiquity, the area was part of the Mitanni kingdom, its centre being the Khabur river valley in modern-day Jazira Canton. It was then part of Assyria for a long time. The last surviving Assyrian imperial records, from between 604 BC and 599 BC, were found in and around the Assyrian city of DÅr-Katlimmu in what is now Jazira Canton.[27] Later it was ruled by the Achaemenids, Hellenes, Artaxiads,[28]Romans, Parthians,[29]Sasanians,[30]Byzantines and successive Arab Islamic caliphates. The Kurd Mountains were already Kurdish-inhabited when the Crusades broke out at the end of the 11th century.[31] According to Ren(C) Dussaud, the region of Kurd-Dagh and the plain near Antioch were settled by Kurds since antiquity.[32][33]
        During the Ottoman Empire (1299''1922), large Kurdish-speaking tribal groups both settled in and were deported to areas of northern Syria from Anatolia. The largest of these tribal groups was the Reshwan confederation, which was initially based in AdÄ±yaman Province but eventually also settled throughout Anatolia. The Milli confederation, mentioned in 1518 onward, was the most powerful group and dominated the entire northern Syrian steppe in the second half of the 18th century. The Ottoman province of Diyarbekir, which included parts of modern-day northern Syria, was called Eyalet-i Kurdistan during the Tanzimat reforms period (1839''67).[34] The Treaty of S¨vres' putative Kurdistan did not include any part of today's Syria.[35]
        The demographics of Northern Syria saw a huge shift in the early part of the 20th century when the Ottoman Empire (Turks) conducted ethnic cleansing of its Armenian and Assyrian Christian populations and some Kurdish tribes joined in the atrocities committed against them.[36][37][38] Many Assyrians fled to Syria during the genocide and settled mainly in the Jazira area.[39][39][40][41] Starting in 1926, the region saw huge immigration of Kurds following the failure of the Sheikh Said rebellion against the Turkish authorities.[42] While many of the Kurds in Syria have been there for centuries, waves of Kurds fled their homes in Turkey and settled in Syria, where they were granted citizenship by the French mandate authorities.[43] In the 1930s and 1940s, the region saw several failed autonomy movements.
        Rule from DamascusThe polyethnic Rojava region under Syrian rule suffered from persistent policies of Arab nationalism and attempts of forced Arabization, which were most brutally directed against its ethnic Kurdish population. The region received few investment or development from the central government. Laws discriminated against Kurds from owning property, and many were without citizenship. Property was routinely confiscated by government loansharks. Kurdish language education was forbidden and had no place in school, compromising Kurdish students' education. Hospitals lacked equipment for advanced treatment and instead patients had to be transferred outside Rojava. Numerous names of places, which had been known in Kurdish, were Arabized in the 1960s and 1970s.[44] In his report for the 12th session of the UN Human Rights Council titled Persecution and Discrimination against Kurdish Citizens in Syria, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights held that "Successive Syrian governments continued to adopt a policy of ethnic discrimination and national persecution against Kurds, completely depriving them of their national, democratic and human rights - an integral part of human existence. The government imposed ethnically-based programs, regulations and exclusionary measures on various aspects of Kurds' lives - political, economic, social and cultural."[45]
        There have been various instances of the Syrian government arbitrarily depriving ethnic Kurdish citizens of their citizenship. The largest of these instances was a consequence of a census in 1962, which was conducted for exactly this purpose. 120,000 ethnic Kurdish citizens saw their citizenship arbitrarily taken away and becoming "stateless".[46][47] While other ethnic minorities in Syria like Armenians, Circassians and Assyrians were permitted to open private schools for the education of their children, Kurds were not.[46][48] The status was passed to the children of a "stateless" Kurdish father.[46] In 2010, Human Rights Watch (HRW) estimated the number of such "stateless" ethnic Kurdish citizens of Syria at 300,000.[49]
        In 1973 the Syrian authorities confiscated 750 square kilometers of fertile agricultural land in Al-Hasakah Governorate, which were owned and cultivated by tens of thousands of Kurdish citizens, and gave it to Arab families brought in from other provinces.[45][48] In 2007 in another such scheme in Al-Hasakah governate, 6,000 square kilometers around Al-Malikiyah were granted to Arab families, while tens of thousands of Kurdish inhabitants of the villages concerned were evicted.[45] These and other expropriations of ethnic Kurdish citizens followed a deliberate masterplan, called "Arab Belt initiative", attempting to depopulate the ressource-rich Jazeera of its ethnic Kurdish inhabitants and settle ethnic Arabs there.[46]
        Autonomy
        During the Syrian Civil War, Syrian government forces withdrew from three Kurdish enclaves, leaving control to local militias in 2012. Because of the war, People's Protection Units (YPG) were created by the Kurdish Supreme Committee to defend the Kurdish-inhabited areas in Syria. In July 2012 the YPG established control in the towns of Koban®, Amuda and Afrin.[50] The two main Kurdish groups, the Kurdish National Council (KNC) and the Democratic Union Party (PYD), afterwards formed a joint leadership council to administer the towns.[50][dead link] Later that month the cities of Al-Malikiyah (Dªrika Hemko), Ras al-Ayn (Serª Kaniyª), al-Darbasiyah (Dirbªs®), and al-Muabbada (Girkª Legª) also came under the control of the People's Protection Units.
        The only major Kurdish-majority cities that remained under government control were al-Hasakah and al-Qamishli,[51][52] although parts of both soon also came under the control of the YPG.
        In July 2013, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) began to forcibly displace Kurdish civilians from towns in Al-Raqqah Governorate. After demanding that all Kurds leave Tell Abyad or else be killed, thousands of civilians, including Turkmens and Arabs, fled on 21 July. Its fighters looted and destroyed the property of Kurds, and in some cases, resettled displaced Sunni Arab families from the an-Nabek District (Rif Damascus), Deir ez-Zor and al-Raqqah, in abandoned Kurdish homes. A similar pattern was documented in Tel Arab and Tal Hassel in July 2013. As ISIL consolidated its authority in Ar-Raqqah, Kurdish civilians were forcibly displaced from Tel Akhader, and Koban® in March and September 2014, respectively.[53]
        Map of the territory changes during the YPG-led Northern Syria offensive (2015)In 2014, Koban® was besieged by ISIL and later liberated by YPG forces and the Free Syrian Army cooperating as Euphrates Volcano, with air support from United States-led airstrikes.
        In January 2015, the YPG fought against Syrian regime forces in al-Hasakah,[54] and clashed with those stationed in Qamishli in June 2015.[55] After the latter clashes, Nasir Haj Mansour, a Kurdish official in the northeast stated "The regime will with time get weaker ... I do not imagine the regime will be able to strengthen its position".[56]
        On 13 October 2015, Amnesty International accused YPG of demolishing homes of village residents and forcing them out of areas under Kurdish control.[57] According to Amnesty International, some displaced people said that the YPG has targeted their villages on the pretext of supporting ISIL; some villagers revealed the existence of a small minority that might have sympathized with the group.[57][58] The YPG also threatened the villagers with US coalition airstrikes if they failed to leave. The village of Husseiniya was almost completely razed to the ground, leaving only 14 out of 225 houses standing.[57]
        On 10 February, Rojava's first representation office outside of Kurdistan (and second in total) opened in Moscow, in order to develop a, "comprehensive partnership with Moscow."[59] This will grow support for autonomy, Kurdish-International diplomatic relations and possibly independence in the near future.[60] On 18 February 2016, the YPG had seized the Menagh military airbase and the Sunni Arab town of Tal Rifaat and announced that they had been given Kurdish names.[61]
        On 17 March 2016, at a conference in Rmeilan, Syrian Turkmen, Arab, Christian and Kurdish officials declared the establishment the Federation of Northern Syria - Rojava in the areas they controlled in Northern Syria which would encompass ethnic minority groups. The conference was led in large part by the Kurdish PYD Party.[62] Though officials reaffirmed they would not support the partition of Syria, the declaration was quickly renounced by both the Syrian Government and oppositional National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces.[23]
        Politics
        The political system of Rojava is based on its constitution, which is called the "Charter of the Social Contract."[63][64] The constitution was ratified on January 9, 2014; it provides that all Rojava residents shall enjoy a fundamental right of gender equality and freedom of religion.[64] It also provides for property rights.[65]
        Abdullah –calan, a Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) leader imprisoned in Ä°mralÄ±, Turkey, is an iconic and popular figure in Rojava whose ideas shaped the region's society and politics.[64] In prison, –calan corresponded with (and was influenced by the ideas of) Murray Bookchin, who favored social ecology, direct democracy, and libertarian municipalism (i.e., a confederation of local citizens' assemblies).[64] In March 2005, –calan issued his "Declaration of Democratic Confederalism in Kurdistan" based on Bookchin's ideas, calling upon citizens to "to stop attacking the government and instead create municipal assemblies, which he called 'democracy without the state.'" –calan envisioned these assemblies as forming a pan-Kurdistan confederation, united for purposes of self-defense and with shared values of environmentalism, gender equality, and ethnic, cultural, and religious pluralism.[64] The ideas of Bookchin and –calan became established in Rojava, where hundreds of neighborhood-based communes have established across the three Rojava cantons.[64] Rojava has a "co-governance" policy in which each position at each level of government in Rojava includes a "female equivalent of equal authority" to a male.[64] Similarly, the "top three officers of each municipality must include one Arab, one Kurd and one Christian" providing for ethnic balance that some have compared to the Lebaneseconfessionalist system.[65] Rojava politics has been described as having "libertarian transnational aspirations" influenced by the PKK's shift toward anarchism, but also includes various "tribal, ethno-sectarian, capitalist and patriarchal structures."[65]
        Rojava divides itself into regional administrations into three cantons: Jazira, Kobani, and Afrin.[64] The governance model of Rojava has an emphasis on local management, with democratically elected committees to make decisions. The polyethnic Movement for a Democratic Society (TEV-DEM), led by the Democratic Union Party (PYD), is the political coalition governing Rojava. It succeeds a brief intermediate period from 2012, when a Kurdish Supreme Committee had been established by the PYD and the Kurdish National Council (KNC), the latter itself a coalition of nationalist Kurdish parties, as the governing body.[66][67] According to Zaher Baher of the Haringey Solidarity Group, the PYD-led TEV-DEM has been "the most successful organ" in Rojava because it has the "determination and power" to change things, it includes many people who "believe in working voluntarily at all levels of service to make the event/experiment successful".[68]
        In March 2016, Hediya Yousef and Mansur Selum were elected co-chairpersons for the executive committee to organise a constitution for the region, to replace the 2014 constitution.[10] Yousef said the decision to set up a federal government was in large part driven by the expansion of territories captured from Islamic State: "Now, after the liberation of many areas, it requires us to go to a wider and more comprehensive system that can embrace all the developments in the area, that will also give rights to all the groups to represent themselves and to form their own administrations."[69] In July 2016, a draft for the new constitution was presented, taking up the general progressive and democratic confereralist principles of the 2014 constitution, mentioning all ethnic groups living in Rojava, addressing their cultural, political and linguistic rights.[1][70] The only political camp within Rojava fundamentally opposed were Kurdish nationalists, in particular of the KNC, who want to pursue a path towards a pan-Kurdish nation-state rather than establishing a polyethnic federation as part of Syria.[71]
        Local elections were held in March 2015. However, the Rojava system of community government is focused on direct democracy. The system has been described as pursuing "a bottom-up, Athenian-style direct form of democratic governance", contrasting the local communities taking on responsibility versus the strong central governments favoured by many states. In this model, states become less relevant and people govern through councils.[72] Its programme immediately aimed to be "very inclusive" and people from a range of different backgrounds became involved, including Kurds, Arabs, Assyrians, Syrian Turkmen and Yazidis (from Muslim, Christian, and Yazidi religious groups). It sought to "establish a variety of groups, committees and communes on the streets in neighborhoods, villages, counties and small and big towns everywhere". The purpose of these groups was to meet "every week to talk about the problems people face where they live". The representatives of the different community groups meet 'in the main group in the villages or towns called the "House of the People"'. As a September 2015 report in the New York Times observed:[64]
        For a former diplomat like me, I found it confusing: I kept looking for a hierarchy, the singular leader, or signs of a government line, when, in fact, there was none; there were just groups. There was none of that stifling obedience to the party, or the obsequious deference to the "big man"'--a form of government all too evident just across the borders, in Turkey to the north, and the Kurdish regional government of Iraq to the south. The confident assertiveness of young people was striking.
        Canton governmentArt. 8 of the 2014 constitution stipulates that "all Cantons in the Autonomous Regions are founded upon the principle of local self-government. Cantons may freely elect their representatives and representative bodies, and may pursue their rights insofar as it does not contravene the articles of the Charter."[63]
        In January 2014, the legislative assembly of Afrin Canton elected Hªv® Žbrah®m Mustefa prime minister, who appointed Remzi Åžªxmus and Ebdil Hemid Mistefa her deputies, and the legislative assembly of Koban® Canton elected Enver M¼slim prime minister, who appointed Bªr®van Hesen and Xalid Birgil his deputies. In Jazira Canton, the legislative assembly has elected ethnic Kurdish Akram Hesso as prime minister and ethnic Arab Hussein Taza Al Azam and ethnic Assyrian Elizabeth Gawrie as deputy prime ministers.[73]
        Federal AssemblyIn December of 2015, during a meeting of representatives of North Syria in Al-Malikiyah, the participants decided to establish a Federal Assembly, the Democratic Syrian Assembly to serve as the political representative of the Syrian Democratic Forces.[74] The co-leaders selected to lead the Assembly at its founding, were prominent human rights activist Haytham Manna and TEV-DEM Executive Board member Žlham Ehmed.[75][76]
        Federal CouncilOn the level of the Rojava federation, Federal Council ministries deal with the economy, agriculture, natural resources, and foreign affairs.[77]
        The ministers are appointed by TEV-DEM; general elections were planned to be held before the end of 2014,[77] but this was postponed due to fighting. Among other stipulations outlined is a quota of 40% for women's participation in government, as well as another quota for youth. In connection with a decision to introduce affirmative action for ethnic minorities, all governmental organizations and offices are based on a co-presidential system.[78]
        [76]
        Education, media, culture
        School educationUnder the regime of the Ba'ath Party, school education consisted of only Arabic language public schools, supplemented by Assyrian private confessional schools.[79] The Rojava administration in 2015 introduced primary education in native language either Kurdish or Arabic and secondary education mandatory bilingual in Kurdish and Arabic for public schools,[80][81] with English as a mandatory third language.[82] There are ongoing disagreements and negotiations over curricula with the Syrian central government, which generally still pays the teachers in public schools.[83][84][85] For Assyrian private confessional schools there have been no changes, other than a newfound interest of Kurdish and Arab parents to send their children there.[86] In August 2016, the Ourhi Centre in the city of Qamishli was started by the Assyrian community, to educate teachers in order to make the Syriac-Aramaic an additional language to be taught in public schools.[87]
        The federal, cantonal and local administrations in Rojava put much emphasis on promoting libraries and educational centers, to facilitate learning and social and artistic activities. Examples are the 2015 established Nahawand Center for Developing Children's Talents in Amuda or the May 2016 established Rod® >> Perw®n Library in Kobani.[88]
        Higher educationWhile there was no institution of tertiary education on the territory of Rojava at the onset of the Syrian Civil War,[89] an increasing number of such institutions have been established by the cantonal administrations in Rojava since.
        In September 2014, the Mesopotamian Social Sciences Academy in Qamishli started teaching.[90] Further such academies designed under a libertarian socialist academic philosophy and concept were in the process of founding or planning.[91]In August 2015, the traditionally-designed University of Afrin in Afrin started teaching, with initial programs in literature, engineering and economics, including institutes for medicine, topographic engineering, music and theater, business administration and the Kurdish language.[92]In July 2016, Jazira Canton Board of Education started the University of Rojava in Qamishli, with faculties for Medicine, Engineering, Sciences, and Arts and Humanities. Programs taught include health, oil, computer and agricultural engineering; physics, chemistry, history, psychology, geography, mathematics and primary school teaching and Kurdish literature.[88][93] Its language of instruction being Kurdish, and having an agreement with Paris 8 University in France for cooperation, the university opened registration for students in the academic year 2016-2017.[94]MediaIncorporating the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, as well as other internationally recognized human rights conventions, the 2014 Constitution of Rojava guarantees freedom of speech and freedom of the press. As a result, a diverse media landscape has developed in Rojava,[95] in each of the Kurdish, Arabic, Syriac-Aramaic and Turkish languages of the land, as well as in English, and media outlets frequently use more than one language. Among the most promenent media in Rojava are ANHA and ARA news agencies and websites as well as TV outlets Rojava Kurdistan TV and Ronah® TV or the bimonthly magazine Nudem. A landscape of local newspapers has developed. However, media often face economic pressures, as demonstrated by the shutting down of news website Welati in May 2016.[96] Political extremism incited by the context of the Syrian Civil War can put media outlets under pressure, the April 2016 threatening and burning down of the premises of Arta FM ("the first, and only, independent radio station staffed and broadcast by Syrians inside Syria") in Amuda by unidentified assailants being the most prominent example.[97][98]
        International media and journalists operate with few restrictions in Rojava, the only region in Syria where they can operate freely.[95] This has led to a rich trove of international media reporting on Rojava being available, including major TV documentaries like BBC documentary (2014): Rojava: Syria's Secret Revolution or Sky1 documentary (2016): Rojava - the fight against ISIS.
        Internet connections in Rojava are usually very slow due to a lack of adequate infrastructure.
        The artsThe leap in political and societal liberty with the establishment of Rojava has created a blossom of artistic expression in the region, in particular with the theme of political and social revolution as well as with respect to Kurdish traditions.[99]
        Economy
        Development
        The autonomous administration is supporting efforts for workers to form cooperatives, such as this sewing cooperative in Derik.In 2012, the PYD launched what it originally called the Social Economy Plan, later renamed the People's Economy Plan (PEP). The PEP's policies are based primarily on the work of Abdullah –calan and ultimately seek to move beyond capitalism in favor of Democratic Confederalism.[100]
        Private property and entrepreneurship are protected under the principle of "ownership by use", although accountable to the democratic will of locally organized councils. Dr Dara Kurdaxi, a Rojavan economist, has said that: "The method in Rojava is not so much against private property, but rather has the goal of putting private property in the service of all the peoples who live in Rojava."[101]
        Rojava's private sector is comparatively small, with the focus being on expanding social ownership of production and management of resources through communes and collectives. Several hundred instances of collective farming have occurred across towns and villages in all three cantons, with each commune consisting of approximately 20-35 people.[102] According to the Ministry of Economics, approximately three quarters of all property has been placed under community ownership and a third of production has been transferred to direct management by workers' councils.[103]
        There are also no taxes on the people or businesses in Rojava. Instead money is raised through border crossings, and selling oil or other natural resources.[104][105] In May 2016, The Wall Street Journal reported that traders in Syria experience Rojava as "the one place where they aren't forced to pay bribes.".[106]
        Price controls are managed by democratic committees per canton, which can set the price of basic goods such as for food and medical goods. This mechanism can also be used for managing public production to, for instance, produce more wheat to keep prices low for important goods.[105]
        The economy of Rojava has on average experienced less destruction in the Syrian Civil War than other parts of Syria, and masters the challenges of the circumstances comparatively well. In May 2016, Ahmed Yousef, head of the Economic Body and chairman of Afrin University, estimated that at the time, Rojava's economic output (including agriculture, industry and oil) accounted for about 55% of Syria's gross domestic product.[107]
        Investment in public infrastructure is one priority of the Rojava administration. The Rojavaplan website lists some projects currently underway.[108]
        Resources and external relationsThe government is seeking outside investment to build a power plant and a fertilizer factory.[109]
        Oil and food production exceeds demand[77] so exports include oil and agricultural products such as sheep, grain and cotton. Imports include consumer goods and auto parts.[110] The border crossing with Iraqi Kurdistan is intermittently closed by the Kurdistan Regional Government side, it was opened again on June 10, 2016.[111] Turkey does not allow businesspeople or goods to cross its border [112] although Rojava would like the border to be opened.[113] Trade as well as access to both humanitarian and military aid is difficult as Rojava remains under a strict embargo enforced by Turkey.[114]
        Before the war, Al-Hasakah governorate was producing about 40,000 barrels of crude oil a day. However, during the war the oil refinery has been only working at 5% capacity due to lack of refining chemicals. Some people work at primitive oil refining, which causes more pollution.[115]
        In 2014, the Syrian government was still paying some state employees,[116] but fewer than before.[117] The Rojavan government says that "none of our projects are financed by the regime".[113]
        Law and security
        The legal systemThe civil laws of Syria are valid in Rojava, as far as they do not conflict with the Constitution of Rojava. One notable example for amendment is the family law, where Rojava proclaims absolute equality of women under the law and a ban on polygamy.[118] For the first time in Syrian history, civil marriage is being allowed and promoted, a significant move towards a secular open society and intermarriage between people of different religious backgrounds.[119]
        A new criminal justice approach has been implemented that emphasizes restoration over retribution.[120] Prisons are operated by TEV-DEM, housing mostly those charged with terrorist activity related to ISIL and other extremist groups.[121] The death penalty has been abolished.[122]
        The new justice systems in Rojava reflects the revolutionary concept of Democratic Confederalism. At the local level, citizens create Peace and Consensus Committees, which make group decisions on minor criminal cases and disputes as well as in separate committees resolve issues of specific concern to women's rights like domestic violence and marriage. At the regional level, citizens (who are not required to be trained jurists) are elected by the regional People's Councils to serve on seven-member People's Courts. At the next level are four Appeals Courts, composed of trained jurists. The court of last resort is the Regional Court, which serves Rojava as a whole. Distinct and separate from this system, the Constitutional Court renders decisions on compatibility of acts of government and legal proceedings with the constitution of Rojava (called the Social Contract).[122]
        Police and civilian unitsThe police function in Rojava-controlled areas is performed by the Asayish armed formation. Asayish was established on July 25, 2013 in order to fill the gap of security when the Baath regime security forces withdrew and the Rojava Revolution began.[123] Under the Constitution of Rojava, policing is a competence of the cantons. Overall, the Asayish forces of the cantons are composed of 26 official bureaus that aim to provide security and solutions to social problems. The six main units of Rojava Asayish are Checkpoints Administration, Anti-Terror Forces Command (HAT), Intelligence Directorate, Organized Crime Directorate, Traffic Directorate and Treasury Directorate. 218 Asayish centers were established and 385 checkpoints with 10 Asayish members in each checkpoint were set up. 105 Asayish offices provide security against ISIL on the frontlines across Rojava. Larger cities have general directorates that are responsible for all aspects of security including road controls. Each Rojava canton has a HAT command and each Asayish center organizes itself autonomously.[123]
        In Jazeera Canton, the Asayish are supported by the Assyrian Sutoro police force. Sutoro is organized in every area with Assyrian population, provides security and solutions to social problems in collaboration with other Asayish units.[123]
        The existing police force is trained in non-violent conflict resolution as well as feminist theory before being allowed access to a weapon. Directors of the Asayish police academy have said that the long-term goal is to give all citizens six weeks of police training before ultimately eliminating the police.[124]
        The Self-Defence Forces (HXP)[125] and the Civilian Defense Force (HPC)[126] serve as civilian defence units for local-level security.
        Militias
        Female fighters of the YPJ play a significant combat role in Rojava.Rojava's most important defence militia is the People's Protection Units (Yek®neyªn Parastina Gel, YPG). The YPG was founded by the PYD party after the 2004 Qamishli clashes, but it was not active until the Syrian Civil War.[127] It is under the control of the Movement for a Democratic Society (TEV-DEM). Another militia closely related to Rojava is the Syriac Military Council (MFS), an Assyrian militia associated with the Syriac Union Party. The YPG, the MFS, and all other militias in Rojava, like the Army of Revolutionaries with many subsidiary groups or the Al-Sanadid Forces, are under the umbrella of the Syrian Democratic Forces. The same is true for the municipal military councils which have been established in Shahba region, like the Manbij Military Council, the Al-Bab Military Council or the Jarablus Military Council.
        In April 2016 the general Autonomous Protection Force (APF) was established,[128][129][130] following the earlier establishment of general Anti-Terror-Units (YAT) in March 2015.[131]
        Militias of local responsibility are the Self-Defence Forces (HXP) and the Civilian Defense Force (HPC).
        Due to the then militarily critical situation caused by the expansion of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, Rojava in July 2014 introduced militia conscription duty. While initially for the YPG militia,[132] it was later relaxed to a six months service in the general HXP/HPC local responsibility defence militia and in April 2016 became conscription into the Autonomous Protection Force.
        Demographics
        The demographics of the region has historically been highly diverse. One major shift in modern times was in the early part of the 20th century due to the Assyrian and Armenian Genocides, when many Assyrians and Armenians fled to Syria from Turkey. This was followed by many Kurds fleeing Turkey in the aftermath of Sheikh Said rebellion. Another major shift in modern times was the Baath policy of settling additional Arab tribes in Rojava. Most recently, during the Syrian Civil War, Rojava's population has more than doubled to about 4.6 million. Among the newcomers are Syrians of all ethnicities who have fled from violence taking place in other parts of Syria. Many ethnic Arab citizens from Iraq have fled to Rojava as well.[133]
        Ethnic groupsKurds are an ethnic group[134] living throughout Rojava, culturally and linguistically classified among the Iranian peoples.[135][136][137] Many Kurds consider themselves descended from the ancient Iranian people of the Medes,[138] using a calendar dating from 612 B.C., when the Assyrian capital of Nineveh was conquered by the Medes.[139] During the Syrian Civil War, many Kurds who had lived elswhere in Syria fled back to their traditional lands in Rojava.Arabs are a panethnicity living throughout Rojava, mainly defined by Arabic as their first language. They encompass bedouin tribes who trace their ancestry to the Arabian Peninsula as well as Arabized indigenous peoples. Arabs form the majority or plurality in some parts of Rojava, in particular in the southern parts of the Jazira Canton, in Tell Abyad District and in Azaz District. Particularly notable in Rojava is the Arab tribe of the Shammar.Assyrians are an ethnoreligious group.[140][141] Their presence in Syria is in Jazira Canton of Rojava, particularly in the urban areas (al-Qamishli, al-Hasakah, Ras al-Ayn), in the northeastern corner and in villages along the Khabur River in the Tell Tamer area. They traditionally speak varieties of Syriac-Aramaic.[142] There are many Assyrians among recent refugees to Rojava, fleeing Islamist violence elsewhere in Syria back to their traditional lands.[143]There are also smaller minorities of Syrian Turkmen where they form regional majorities in the countryside from Azaz to Manbij and Jarabulus, and also, Armenians and Circassians (in Manbij). Yazidis are an ethnoreligious group.
        LanguagesFour languages from three different language families are spoken in Rojava:
        For these four languages, three different scripts are in use in Rojava:
        ReligionMost ethnic Kurdish and Arab people in Rojava adhere to Sunni Islam, while ethnic Assyrian people generally are Syriac Orthodox, Chaldean Catholic or Syriac Catholic Christians. There are also adherents to other faiths, such as Zoroastrianism and Yazidism. Many people in Rojava support secularism and laicism.[146] The dominant PYD party and the political administration in Rojava are decidedly secular and laicist and contrary to most of the Middle East, religion is no marker of socio-political identity.[147]
        Population centresThis list includes all cities, towns and villages controlled or claimed by Rojava with more than 10,000 inhabitants. The population figures are given according to the 2004 Syrian census.[148] Cities in white are fully under the control of Rojava. Cities in bright grey are partially controlled by Rojava and partially controlled by the Syrian government. Cities in dark gray are fully under the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) or other Islamist forces. Cities in boldface are the capital of their respective cantons.
        English NameKurdish NameArabic NameSyriac NameTurkish NamePopulationCantonAl-HasakahHes®§eØ§ÙØ­Ø"ÙƒØ(C)ÜšÜ£ÜŸÜ—Haseke188,160Jazira CantonAl-QamishliQamiÅŸloØ§ÙÙ‚Ø§Ù…Ø´ÙÙŠÜ(C)ÜÜÜ ÜKamÄ±ÅŸlÄ±184,231Jazira CantonManbijMenb®§Ù…Ù†Ø¨Ø¬ÜÜ'ÜÜ'M¼nbi§99,497Shahba region[18]Al-BabBabØ§ÙØ¨Ø§Ø¨El Bab63,069Shahba region[18]KobaniKoban®Ø¹ÙŠÙ† Ø§ÙØ¹Ø±Ø¨ArappÄ±nar44,821Kobani CantonAfrinEfr®nØ¹ÙØ±ÙŠÙ†Afrin36,562Afrin CantonAzazEzazØ£Ø¹Ø²Ø§Ø²Azez31,623Shahba region[18]Ras al-AynSerªkaniyªØ±Ø£Ø" Ø§ÙØ¹ÙŠÙ†ÜªÜ'Ü Ü¥Ü'ÜÜRes¼layn29,347Jazira CantonAmudaAm>>dªØ¹Ø§Ù…ÙØ¯Ø§Amudiye26,821Jazira CantonAl-MalikiyahDªrika HemkoØ§ÙÙ…Ø§ÙÙƒÙŠØ(C)Ü•ÜªÜ'ÜŸDeyrik26,311Jazira CantonTell RifaatArpªtØªÙ Ø±ÙØ¹ØªTel RÄ±fat20,514Shahba region[18]Al-QahtaniyahTirbesp®Ø§ÙÙ‚Ø­Ø·Ø§Ù†ÙŠØ(C)Ü(C)Ü'ÜªÌÜ ÜšÜÜªÌÜKubur el Bid16,946Jazira CantonMare'MareÙ…Ø§Ø±Ø¹Mare16,904Shahba region[18]Al-ShaddadahÅžeddadªØ§ÙØ´Ø¯Ø§Ø¯ÙŠÅžaddadi15,806Jazira CantonAl-MuabbadaGirkª LegªØ§ÙÙ…Ø¹Ø¨Ø¯Ø(C)Muabbada15,759Jazira CantonTell AbyadGirª Sp®ØªÙ Ø£Ø¨ÙŠØ¶Tel Abyad14,825Kobani CantonAl-Sabaa wa ArbainØ§ÙØ"Ø¨Ø¹Ø(C) ÙØ£Ø±Ø¨Ø¹ÙŠÙ†El Seba ve Arbayn14,177Jazira CantonJandairisCindarªsªØ¬Ù†Ø¯ÙŠØ±Ø"Cenderes13,661Afrin CantonAl-ManajirMenac®rØ§ÙÙ…Ù†Ø§Ø¬ÙŠØ±Menacir12,156Jazira CantonJarabulusCerabl>>sØ¬Ø±Ø§Ø¨ÙØ"Ü'ÜªÜÜ'Ü Ü£Cerablus11,570Shahba region[18]QabasinQabas®nÙ‚Ø¨Ø§Ø"ÙŠÙ†Kabasin11,382Shahba region[18]External relations
        Relations with Syria
        For the time being, the relations of Rojava to the state of Syria are determined by the context of the Syrian Civil War. As for the time being, the Constitution of Syria and the Constitution of Rojava are legally incompatible with respect to legislative and executive authority. Practical interaction is pragmatic ad hoc. In the military realm, combat between the Rojava People's Protection Units (YPG) and Syrian government forces has been rare, in the most notable instances some of the territory still controlled by the Syrian government in Qamishli and al-Hasakah has been lost to the YPG. In some military campaigns, in particular in northern Aleppo governate and in al-Hasakah, there has been a tacit cooperation between the YPG and Syrian government forces against Islamist forces, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and other.[149] In March 2015, the Syrian Information Minister announced that his government considered recognizing the Kurdish autonomy "within the law and constitution."[150]
        The Federation of Northern Syria '' Rojava is not drafted as an ethnic Kurdistan region, but rather a blueprint for a future polyethnic, decentralised and democratic Syria.[151] Rojava is the birthplace and main sponsor of the Syrian Democratic Forces and the Syrian Democratic Council, a military and a political umbrella organisation, with the agenda of implementing a secular, democratic and federalist system for all of Syria. In July 2016, Constituent Assembly co-chair Hediya Yousef formulated Rojava's approach towards Syria as follows:[152]
        We believe that a federal system is ideal form of governance for Syria. We see that in many parts of the world, a federal framework enables people to live peacefully and freely within territorial borders. The people of Syria can also live freely in Syria. We will not allow for Syria to be divided; all we want is the democratization of Syria; its citizens must live in peace, and enjoy and cherish the ethnic diversity of the national groups inhabiting the country.
        While the Rojava administration is not invited to the Geneva III peace talks on Syria,[153] or any of the earlier talks, in particular Russia, which calls for their inclusion, does to some degree carry their positions into the talks, as documented in Russia's May 2016 draft for a new constitution for Syria.[154] On 6 June 2016, Rojava's leading PYD party said that the United Nations Syria envoy Staffan de Mistura sent a detailed letter to the PYD leadership with an invitation to the next round of talks.[155]
        Rojava as a transnational topic
        Demonstration for solidarity with Rojava, in Vienna, 2014The socio-political transformations of the "Rojava Revolution" have inspired much attention in international media, both in mainstream media[64][120][156][157] and in dedicated progressive leftist media.[158][159][160][161][162] The narrative was first established with an October 2014 piece by David Graeber in The Guardian:[157]
        The autonomous region of Rojava, as it exists today, is one of few bright spots '' albeit a very bright one '' to emerge from the tragedy of the Syrian revolution. Having driven out agents of the Assad regime in 2011, and despite the hostility of almost all of its neighbours, Rojava has not only maintained its independence, but is a remarkable democratic experiment. Popular assemblies have been created as the ultimate decision-making bodies, councils selected with careful ethnic balance (in each municipality, for instance, the top three officers have to include one Kurd, one Arab and one Assyrian or Armenian Christian, and at least one of the three has to be a woman), there are women's and youth councils, and, in a remarkable echo of the armed Mujeres Libres (Free Women) of Spain, a feminist army, the "YJA Star" militia (the "Union of Free Women", the star here referring to the ancient Mesopotamian goddess Ishtar), that has carried out a large proportion of the combat operations against the forces of Islamic State.
        The "Rojava Revolution" in its diverse aspects is a hotly debated topic in libertarian socialist and communalist as well as generally anti-capitalist circles worldwide.[note 1]
        Kurdish question
        Kurdish-inhabited areas in 1992 according to the CIARojava's dominant political party, the Democratic Union Party (PYD), is a member organisation of the Group of Communities in Kurdistan (KCK) organisation. As KCK member organisations in the neighbouring states with autochthonous Kurdish minorities are either outlawed (Turkey, Iran) or politically marginal with respect to other Kurdish parties (Iraq), PYD-governed Rojava has acquired the role of a model for the KCK political agenda and blueprint in general.
        There is much sympathy for Rojava in particular among Kurds in Turkey. During the Siege of Koban®, a large number of ethnic Kurdish citizens of Turkey crossed the border and volunteered in the defence of the town. Some of these upon their return to Turkey took up arms in the Kurdish''Turkish conflict, where skills acquired by them during combat in Koban® brought a new quality of urban warfare to the conflict in Turkey.[163][164]
        The relationship of Rojava with the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraq is complicated. One context being that the governing party there, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), views itself and its affiliated Kurdish parties in other countries as a more conservative and nationalist alternative and competitor to the KCK political agenda and blueprint in general.[151] The "Sultanistic system" of Iraqi Kurdistan[165] stands in stark contrast to the Democratic Confederalist system of Rojava.
        Like the KCK umbrella in general, and even more so, the PYD is critical of any form of nationalism, including Kurdish nationalism.[166] They stand in stark contrast to Kurdish nationalist visions of the Iraqi Kurdish KDP sponsored Kurdish National Council in Syria.[167]
        International relations
        Turkey has been strictly hostile towards Rojava, fearing that its emergence fuels activism for autonomy or separatism among Kurds in Turkey and the Kurdish''Turkish conflict. It claims the Rojava People's Protection Units (YPG) were identical to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), which is listed as a terrorist organisation by Turkey and others. However, no country other than Turkey considers the YPG a terrorist organization, and the European Union, the United States, NATO and others cooperate with them in the fight against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL).[168] Rojava and YPG leaders insist that the PKK is a separate organization.[169] Turkey has often been accused of supporting ISIL[170][171][172] and of attacking Rojava territory directly with artillery.[173][174]
        In the diplomatic field, while there have been no acts of formal recognition towards Rojava, there have been many acts of informal political sympathy towards Rojava in a broad range of countries.[175][176] American foreign-policy commentator Steven A. Cook has argued for U.S. diplomatic recognition of Rojava.[177] In the arena of official international diplomacy, the power most ostentatiously supportive of Rojava has been Russia.
        Major military cooperation of Rojava has been with Iraqi Kurdistan and in particular with the United States.[178][179] In March 2016, the day after the declaration of the Federation of Northern Syria '' Rojava, U.S. Defense Secretary Ashton Carter praised the Rojava YPG militia as having "proven to be excellent partners of ours on the ground in fighting ISIL. We are grateful for that, and we intend to continue to do that, recognizing the complexities of their regional role."[180] During the May 2016 offensive against ISIL in Northern Raqqa, U.S. Special Forces were widely reported and photographed to be present, and to wear badges of YPG and YPJ on their uniforms.[181]
        In February 2016 the Rojava administration opened their first foreign consulate in Moscow (Russia).[182][183] In April 2016, a consulate in Stockholm (Sweden)[184] and in May 2016 consulates in Berlin (Germany)[185] and Paris (France)[186] followed. Further consulates in London, in Washington, and in several Arab countries are planned.[183][184][187] Rojava's YPG self-defence militia since April 2016 has an official representation in Prague (Czech Republic).[188]
        See also
        Notes
        References
        ^ abc"Syrian Kurds declare Qamishli as capital for the new federal system". ARA news. 2016-07-05. Retrieved 2016-07-05. ^http://basnews.com/en/News/Details/Syrian-Defense-Minister-in-Qamishli--We-won-t-let-anyone-take-Hasakah/21882^"ISIS suicide attacks target Syrian Kurdish capital - Al-Monitor: the Pulse of the Middle East". Al-Monitor. Retrieved 18 February 2015. ^Enzinna, Wes (24 November 2015). "A Dream of Secular Utopia in ISIS' Backyard". The New York Times. Retrieved 13 May 2016. ^Jongerden, Joost. "Rethinking Politics and Democracy in the Middle East"(PDF). Retrieved 8 September 2013. ^Ocalan, Abdullah (2011). Democratic Confederalism(PDF). ISBN 978-0-9567514-2-3. Retrieved 8 September 2013. ^Ocalan, Abdullah (2 April 2005). "The declaration of Democratic Confederalism". KurdishMedia.com. Retrieved 8 September 2013. ^"Bookchin devrimci m¼cadelemizde yaÅŸayacaktÄ±r". SavaÅŸ KarÅŸÄ±tlarÄ± (in Turkish). 26 August 2006. Retrieved 8 September 2013. ^Wood, Graeme (26 October 2007). "Among the Kurds". The Atlantic. Retrieved 8 September 2013. ^ abc"Syrian Kurds declare new federation in bid for recognition". Middle East Eye. 17 March 2016. ^In der Maur, Ren(C)e; Staal, Jonas (2015). "Introduction". Stateless Democracy(PDF). Utrecht: BAK. p. 19. ISBN 978-90-77288-22-1. ^Estimate as of mid November 2014, including numerous refugees. "Rojava's population has nearly doubled to about 4.6 million. The newcomers are Sunni and Shia Syrian Arabs who have fled from violence taking place in southern parts of Syria. There are also Syrian Christians members of the Assyrian Church of the East, Chaldean Catholic Church, Syriac Catholic Church, Syriac Orthodox Church, and others, driven out by Islamist forces. "In Iraq and Syria, it's too little, too late". Ottawa Citizen. 14 November 2014. ^"A Dream of Secular Utopia in ISIS' Backyard". New York Times. 24 November 2015. ^"Barzan® xªra rojavayª Kurdistanª dixwaze". 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Lesch (2013-12-05) (in German), Historical Dictionary of Syria, Scarecrow Press, pp. 239, ISBN 9780810879669, https://books.google.com/books?id=wpBWAgAAQBAJ ^"Education in Rojava after the revolution". ANF. 2016-05-16. Retrieved 2016-06-10. ^"After 52-year ban, Syrian Kurds now taught Kurdish in schools". Al-Monitor. 2015-11-06. Retrieved 2016-05-18. ^"Rojava schools to re-open with PYD-approved curriculum". Rudaw. 2015-08-29. Retrieved 2016-05-18. ^"Kurds introduce own curriculum at schools of Rojava". Ara News. 2015-10-02. Retrieved 2016-05-18. ^"Revolutionary Education in Rojava". New Compass. 2015-02-17. Retrieved 2016-05-10. ^"Education in Rojava: Academy and Pluralistic versus University and Monisma". Kurdishquestion. 2014-01-12. Retrieved 2016-05-18. ^"The Assyrians of Syria: History and Prospects". AINA. 2015-12-21. Retrieved 2016-05-18. ^"Syriac Christians revive ancient language despite war". ARA News. 2016-08-19. 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According to Dr. Ahmad Yousef, an economic co-minister, three-quarters of traditional private property is being used as commons and one quarter is still being owned by use of individuals...According to the Ministry of Economics, worker councils have only been set up for about one third of the enterprises in Rojava so far. ^"Poor in means but rich in spirit". Ecology or Catastrophe. Retrieved 18 February 2015. ^ ab"Efr®n Economy Minister Yousef: Rojava challenging norms of class, gender and power". Retrieved 18 February 2015. ^"In Syria's Mangled Economy, Truckers Stitch Together Warring Regions". Wall Street Journal. 2016-05-24. Retrieved 2016-05-24. ^"Will Syria's Kurds succeed at self-sufficiency?". 2016-05-03. Retrieved 2016-05-18. ^"Rojavaplan". Rojava administration. Retrieved 2016-05-10. ^"Poor in means but rich in spirit". Ecology or Catastrophe. Retrieved 21 February 2015. ^"Kurds Fight Islamic State to Claim a Piece of Syria". 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"Syria Kurds train new army to protect 'federal region'" '' via YouTube. ^"Kurds raise an army to defend new federal region". ^http://kurdishdailynews.org/2015/03/28/kurds-establish-anti-terror-units-in-rojava/^"YPG's Mandatory Military Service Rattles Kurds". 27 August 2014. ^"Syrian Kurds provide safe haven for thousands of Iraqis fleeing ISIS". Ara News. 2016-07-03. Retrieved 2016-07-02. ^Killing of Iraq Kurds 'genocide', BBC, "The Dutch court said it considered "legally and convincingly proven that the Kurdish population meets requirement under Genocide Conventions as an ethnic group"."^"Kurds". The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed. Encyclopedia.com. 2014. Retrieved 29 December 2014. ^Izady, Mehrdad R. (1992). The Kurds: A Concise Handbook. Taylor & Francis. p. 198. ISBN 978-0-8448-1727-9. ^Bois, T.; Minorsky, V.; MacKenzie, D.N. (2009). "Kurds, Kurdistan". In Bearman, P.; Bianquis, T.; Bosworth, C. E.; van Donzel, E.; Heinrichs, W. P. Encyclopaedia Islamica. Brill. The Kurds, an Iranian people of the Near East, live at the junction of more or less laicised Turkey. ... We thus find that about the period of the Arab conquest a single ethnic term Kurd (plur. AkrÄd) was beginning to be applied to an amalgamation of Iranian or iranicised tribes. ... The classification of the Kurds among the Iranian nations is based mainly on linguistic and historical data and does not prejudice the fact there is a complexity of ethnical elements incorporated in them. ^Barbara A. West (1 January 2009). Encyclopedia of the Peoples of Asia and Oceania. Infobase Publishing. p. 518. ISBN 978-1-4381-1913-7. ^Frye, Richard Nelson. "IRAN v. PEOPLES OF IRAN (1) A General Survey". Encyclop...dia Iranica. 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      Erdogan's Waterloo: Turkey Invades And Occupies Syria | Huffington Post
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 04:21
        The Obama administration has assiduously avoided U.S. military engagement in Syria. President Barack Obama is wary of the pottery barn rule: "You break it, you own it." Supporting Turkey's invasion and occupation of Syria would be a strategic mistake, making the United States a protagonist in Syria's civil war.
        Vice President Joe Biden went to Ankara last week on a mission to repair U.S.-Turkey relations. Upon arrival, Biden learned that Turkish Special Forces, tanks, and fighters with the Free Syrian Army (FSA) were invading Syria, targeting Jarablus near the Turkish border.
        Biden endorsed Turkey's "Operation Euphrates Shield." He also claimed that the U.S. provided air power. However, eye witnesses say no bombs were actually dropped on Jarablus.
        Slipping into Syria's quagmire is not in America's interest. Nor is being played by Turkey.
        Operation Euphrates Shield violates Syria's sovereignty. Supporting Turkey would make the U.S. complicit in Turkey's land grab.
        Turkey keeps pushing south. It has no intention of relinquishing territory. To justify its presence, Turkey will populate a Syrian enclave for refugees.
        Turkey wants a seat at the table of the Geneva peace process. It seeks equal standing with Russia and the United States.
        Given Turkey's sordid history supporting Islamists, it will be more difficult to negotiate an end to Syria's conflict with Turkish troops on-the-ground.
        The Obama administration has been giving weapons and air support to the People's Protection Forces (YPG), Syrian Kurdish forces numbering 40,000. The PYG is America's most reliable ally against ISIS. Washington will continue to support the YPG if it fights ISIS east of the Euphrates.
        Erdogan abhors U.S. cooperation with the YPG, which he calls a terror group. Erdogan wants the U.S. to make a choice between Turkey and the YPG, but was repeatedly rebuffed.
        The Obama administration must be steely-eyed about Turkey's intentions. Erdogan says the primary purpose of Operation Euphrates Shield is to fight ISIS. This is patently false.
        Turkish-backed Islamists never engaged ISIS in the so-called battle for Jarablus. Before invading, Ankara made a deal with the Islamic State. Rather than resist, ISIS forces simply changed into FSA uniforms. Jarablus was "liberated" from ISIS with barely a shot.
        Unlike Falluja and other battles where ISIS used civilians as human shields, civilians were evacuated from Jarablus. The Islamic State does not want civilians to identify newly clad FSA members as hard core ISIS fighters.
        It is not surprising that Erdogan and ISIS made a deal. ISIS and Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) are ideologically aligned. They are both branches of the Muslim Brotherhood. Despite official denials, there is a mountain of evidence that Turkey provided weapons, money, and logistical support to Islamists in Syria beginning in 2014. Turkey also underwrote the Islamic State by transporting its oil and selling it on the international market. About 500 Islamist fighters are still transiting from Turkey to Syria each month.
        According to Erdogan, Euphrates Shield was aimed at the YPG and "terror groups that threaten our country." Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu pledged that Turkey would "do what is necessary" to keep Kurdish fighters east of the Euphrates River. Turkey announced plans for a safe zone 90 kilometers long and 40 kilometers wide, stretching from Jarablus to Marea, deep into Kurdish controlled territory.
        In fact, Turkey is trying to prevent the YPG from establishing a contiguous Kurdish territory that would make Rojava a reality. Erdogan fears that Rojava's existence will inspire Kurds in Turkey to intensify their demands for greater autonomy.
        Erdogan's hostility towards the Kurds is no secret. He insists that the YPG and PKK are the same, even though the U.S. Government says they are distinct.
        It was predictable that Turkey would drop the pretense of fighting ISIS and focus its operation on the PYG. The Obama administration knows what's going on.
        A senior Pentagon official told CNN: "The Turks never cared about Jarablus until the Kurds wanted to get there." Special Envoy Brett McGurk called Turkey's targeting of the PYD "unacceptable and a source of deep concern".
        U.S.-Turkish relations were already on the rocks because of Turkey's wholesale crackdown on oppositionists after the failed coup of July 15. The relationship is further challenged by Turkey's decision to go after America's allies in Syria.
        Turks are increasingly restless. They welcomed Operation Euphrates Shield, which restored the military's credibility after the coup. They were told the operation targeted their two nemesis - ISIS and the YPG/PKK. Now Turks are growing concerned about the end game. How long will Turkish troops stay in Syria and what will they accomplish?
        The term "October surprise" is used to describe an event just prior to the U.S. presidential election, which is the work of a foreign foe. This time, the October surprise came in August with Turkey's invasion of Syria.
        Obama must guard against manipulation. Providing military and diplomatic support to Turkey's invasion and occupation creates a conundrum, vexing his successor.Syria will be Erdogan's Waterloo. The U.S. Government must not be tethered to Turkey's sinking ship.
        Mr. Phillips is Director of the Program on Peace-Building and Rights at Columbia University's Institute for the Study of Human Rights. He served as a Senior Adviser and Foreign Affairs Expert to the U.S. Department of State under President Clinton, Bush, and Obama. His forthcoming book is titled - Turkey: An Uncertain Ally.
      David L. Phillips
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 04:20
        David Phillips has 25 years of experience working on peace-building for the U.S. Department of State, the United Nations, academia, think-tanks, and as a foundation executive.
        Phillips is currently Director of the Program on Peace-Building and Rights at Columbia University's Institute for the Study of Human Rights.
        Phillips has served as Foreign Affairs Expert and as Senior Adviser to the Bureau of South and Central Asian (2011-2013), Bureau for Near Eastern Affairs (2002-2003), and the Bureau for European and Canadian Affairs (1999-2002) at the U.S. Department of State. He was also Senior Adviser to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.
        Phillips has worked at academic institutions as Executive Director of Columbia University's International Conflict Resolution Program, Director of American University's Program on Conflict Prevention and Peace-building, Senior Fellow at Harvard University's Future of Diplomacy and Visiting Scholar at Harvard's Center for Middle East Studies, Phillips has also been a foundation executive, serving as President of the Congressional Human Rights Foundation, Executive Director of the Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity, and as Director of the European Centre for Common Ground. Phillips held positions at the Council on Foreign Relations, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, the Atlantic Council, and the International Peace Research Institute of Oslo.
        He has authored dozens of policy reports, and hundreds of articles in leading publications such as The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, Financial Times, International Herald Tribune, and Foreign Affairs. Phillips is author of:
        ' The Kurdish Spring: A New Map for the Middle East (2015)
        ' Liberating Kosovo: Coercive Diplomacy and U.S. Intervention (2012)
        ' Diplomatic History: The Turkey-Armenia Protocols (2012)
        ' From Bullets to Ballots: Violent Muslim Movements in Transition (2008)
        ' Losing Iraq: Inside the Postwar Reconstruction Fiasco (2005)
        ' Unsilencing the Past: Track Two Diplomacy and Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation (2005)
        Follow David L. Phillips on Twitter: @DavidLPhillips4
    Earon
      Never Mind Oil, Iran's About to Shake the World Pistachio Market - Bloomberg
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 14:48
        Iran is ready to return to the global commodities market, flooding it with fresh supplies and risking a slump in prices.
        Oil? Possibly, but there's a second industry that could be even more disrupted by a nuclear pact between Iran and the west: pistachio nuts.
        Iran has far more clout in the market for cocktail nibbles than it does in crude trading. While it ranks only as the world's seventh-largest oil producer, the Middle Eastern country vies with the U.S. to be the biggest pistachio grower.
        As with oil, Iranian sales of pistachios to the U.S. and Europe have been hampered by sanctions. As the talks between Washington and Tehran to resolve the decade-long nuclear dispute head toward the June 30 deadline for a final agreement, traders are predicting lower prices.
        ''The new supply will have an impact,'' said Hakan Bahceci, chief executive officer of Hakan Agro DMCC, a grain, nuts and pulses trading house based in Dubai.
        The biggest losers may be Californian farmers who have doubled pistachio acreage over the past ten years despite drought conditions. Pistachio production in California started in earnest in 1979 and output hit 513 million pounds last year, more than triple the harvest in 2004, according to the U.S. Administrative Committee for Pistachios.
        Nut LoversFor nut lovers, more supply would be good news: prices have risen 40 percent over the last five years due to supply shortages.
        Yet, so far, the California pistachio industry is unconcerned. Bob Klein, manager of the Fresno-based Administrative Committee for Pistachios, said Iran would struggle to sell into Europe and the U.S. because of high levels of contamination from aflatoxin, a toxic chemical caused by fungus.
        ''I am not hearing a great deal of concern within the industry about the return of Iran,'' he said in an interview. Even if prices decline a bit, farmers will still thrive in California.
        ''Prices had been good. Pistachios are among the most profitable perennial crops'' in the U.S., he said.
        The U.S. pistachio crop was worth about $1.3 billion last year. For Iran, the crop is worth more or less the same, but has more importance for the country because it's the second-largest export of the country, behind crude oil.
        Hostage CrisisThe U.S. has banned Iranian pistachios intermittently over the last three decades. The first embargo dates from 1979 following the takeover of the U.S. embassy in Tehran and the hostage crisis. The ban was lifted four years later, but re-introduced in 1987 during the Iran-Iraq war before it was lifted again in 2000.
        Ten years later, President Barack Obama approved legislation that effectively blocked imports of Iranian pistachios into the U.S. again.
        ''Currently, you cannot import into the U.S. Iranian-origin pistachios,'' said Erich Ferrari, whose Washington-based firm Ferrari & Associates has lobbied the U.S. government on behalf of commodities traders on Iran.
        Other Western sanctions, designed to stop oil and gas trading, are also limiting Iran's ability to sell pistachios in Europe because of restrictions on banking and shipping, traders said. China, India and Turkey remain big buyers, and some Iranian pistachios are finding their way into the European market from Turkey.
        Tehran is eager to use the end of the nuclear sanctions to increase commodity production. On Wednesday, Oil Minister Bijan Namdar Zanganeh the country could lift oil output within 10 days after the easing of the sanctions.
        Before it's here, it's on the Bloomberg Terminal.LEARN MORE
      It's Going to Be a Bad Year for Pistachios
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 14:47
        Eat them while you can, people. Pistachios are about to become a whole lot less available.
        The USDA recently released a report showing that the United States, one of the world's two main pistachio producers, would cut the number of pistachios it harvested by nearly half this year, due mainly to California's punishing drought. This means a loss of over 100,000 tons of pistachios in the U.S. alone'--an amount equal to nearly a fifth of the world's entire 520,000 ton pistachio crop for this year.
        Now, a worsening drought in Iran, the other top producer of pistachios in the world, has farmers there predicting that their pistachio harvest is also going to continue to fall dramatically'--perhaps even further than the 20,000-ton drop that was already predicted for this year.
        USDA says worldwide we're going to lose 86,000 tons of pistachios this year. That figure sounds unsettlingly big, but the losses would look heavier yet if Turkey hadn't had a surprise bumper crop which nearly tripled its expected harvest. Even that anomaly, though, still wasn't enough to offset the loses.
        Pistachios join chocolate, red wine, IPAs, salmon, coffee, almonds, and so much more on the list of foods that are going to get harder to come by in our hotter and drier world. On the plus side, however, the world market for edible insects continues to grow.
    F-Russia
      Saudis, Russians pledge cooperation to stabilize oil
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        Source: The Daily Star >> Live News
        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 21:50
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        A version of this article appeared in the print edition of The Daily Star on September 06, 2016, on page 5.Advertisement
      Defense Secretary Warns Russia to Stay Out of U.S. Elections - NYTimes.com
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        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 02:55
        OXFORD, England '-- Defense Secretary Ashton B. Carter lashed out at Russia on Wednesday, accusing the government of President Vladimir V. Putin of demonstrating a ''clear ambition to erode'' international order and warning Russia to stay out of the American elections.
        Speaking on Wednesday at Oxford University in England, Mr. Carter used language that evoked a time before the fall of the Berlin War, when leaders in Washington and Moscow were entrenched global adversaries. ''The United States does not seek a cold, let alone a hot, war with Russia,'' Mr. Carter said. ''But make no mistake, we will defend our allies, the principled international order, and the positive future it affords all of us.''
        He also warned Moscow that Washington ''will not ignore attempts to interfere with our democratic processes.'' The F.B.I. is investigating whether Russia hacked into computer systems of the Democratic National Committee. Mr. Carter accused Russia of ''undercutting the work and contributions of others rather than creating or making any positive contributions on its own,'' and said that Moscow was sowing ''instability rather than cultivating stability.''
        His sharp criticism amplifies the already tense standoff between Washington and Moscow over the conflicts inSyria and Ukraine, the hacking issue, and the role ofNATO, which is on Russia's doorstep.
        American intelligence officials say that there is evidence that shows Russian intelligence agencies were behind breaches of the D.N.C.'s computer systems, and that the Russians tried to gain access to the servers for other Democratic organizations. Hillary Clinton, the Democratic presidential nominee, has drawn a direct line between the suspected Russian activity and her Republican rival, Donald J. Trump.
        When pressed during a news conference in London after his speech on Wednesday, Mr. Carter said he was not only talking about Russian breaches of American computer systems. ''This is a common concern of all the NATO countries, and part of what we call hybrid warfare,'' he said.
        Mr. Carter's criticism comes as the United States and Russia have been struggling to keep alive negotiations to end the fighting between American-backed Syrian rebels and the government of President Bashar al-Assad, Russia's ally. President Obama expressed skepticism this week that an unlikely alliance between rivals would yield the breakthrough needed to end the five-year-old civil war.
        Mr. Obama and Mr. Putin huddled on the sidelines of the Group of 20 economic summit in Hangzhou, China, this week, but were unable to breach what Mr. Obama called ''gaps of trust.''
        In his speech at Oxford, his alma mater, Mr. Carter mentioned the lack of trust. ''Russia entered the Syrian tragedy saying it wanted to counter terrorism and end the civil war '-- the source of so much suffering '-- through a political transition,'' Mr. Carter said. ''But what it has done is very different from what it said.''
        The comments reflect increased frustration among American officials over whether the negotiations between Secretary of State John Kerry and the Russian foreign minister, Sergey V. Lavrov, will bear any fruit.
        On Sunday, the negotiations appeared to move slightly as Mr. Kerry met for two hours in Hangzhou with Mr. Lavrov. At one point, the State Department was confident enough to schedule a news conference, when the two men were supposed to announce a deal. But Mr. Kerry appeared alone, and said that a ''couple of tough issues'' still divided the two sides.
        At the Pentagon, some defense officials have expressed skepticism that an acceptable deal can be reached. The negotiations are further complicated since Turkey recently began an offensive ostensibly against Islamic State targetsin Syria, but one that also included American-backed Kurdish fighters in the region. Mr. Carter is to meet with the Turkish defense minister on Thursday in London.
        Separately, the Pentagon said that a Russian warplane conducted what it called ''an unsafe close-range intercept'' of an American Navy reconnaissance plane on Wednesday that was operating in international airspace over the Black Sea.
        The Pentagon said that the episode lasted for 19 minutes, with the Russian plane coming within 10 feet of the American plane.
        ''These actions have the potential to unnecessarily escalate tensions between countries, and could result in a miscalculation or accident which results in serious injury or death,'' according to a statement released by Pentagon officials.
    Agenda 2030
      September 5, 1899
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Source: Real Science
        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 21:41
        On this date in 1899, almost the entire US was over 90 degrees, and Missouri reached 108 degrees.
        Mexico, Missouri was 108 degrees, 18 degrees warmer than today's forecast hugh
        Sparta.Illinois was 106 degrees, 18 degrees warmer than today's forecast high.
        NASA says this is the hottest year ever.
    War on the Anthem
      Troubling Origins of 'The Star-Spangled Banner'
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Source: Consortiumnews
        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 21:43
        San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick refuses to stand for the national anthem in protest against U.S. oppression of ''black people and people of color,'' a concern underscored by the origins of ''The Star-Spangled Banner,'' writes Sam Husseini.
        By Sam Husseini
        As severalwriters have noted '-- before and after the furor surrounding quarterback Colin Kaepernick refusing to stand for ''The Star-Spangled Banner'' '-- the national anthem is racist. Specifically, the third stanza, which references the British offering freedom to African-American slaves who would join with them in the War of 1812, says:
        No refuge could save the hireling and slave From the terror of flight or the gloom of the grave, And the star-spangled banner in triumph doth wave O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave. Even less well know, the song originates in slaveowner Francis Scott Key's ''When the Warrior Returns'' '-- which was set to the same tune. As Alex Cockburn, the deceased and much missed co-editor of CounterPunch, noted following President Obama's much celebrated 2009 address in Cairo:
        San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick.
        ''An early version of the 'Star Spangled Banner' by Francis Scott Key, written in 1805 amid the routing of the Barbary states, offered a view of Islam markedly different from Obama's uplifting sentiments in Cairo:
        In conflict resistless each toil they endur'd,
        Till their foes shrunk dismay'd from the war's desolation:
        And pale beamed the Crescent, its splendor obscur'd
        By the light of the star-bangled flag of our nation.
        Where each flaming star gleamed a meteor of war,
        And the turban'd head bowed to the terrible glare.
        Then mixt with the olive the laurel shall wave
        And form a bright wreath for the brow of the brave.
        ''In 1814, Key rehabbed this doggerel into the Star Spangled Banner. So America's national anthem began as a gleeful tirade against the Mahommedans. And, of course, every member of the U.S. Marine Corps regularly bellows out the USMC anthem, beginning 'From the halls of Montezuma to the shores of Tripoli.' ''In short, America's march to Empire was minted in the crucible of anti-Islamic sentiment. (One admirer of this early chapter in America's imperial confrontations with Islam is that ardent Crusader, C. Hitchens who cites Joshua London's Victory in Tripoli: How America's War with the Barbary Pirates Established the U.S. Navy and Shaped a Nation, on the origins of the Star Spangled Banner.)''
        I actually first learned of the racism underlying the national anthem from Alex Cockburn's 1987 book Corruptions of Empire, which features a splendid cover.
        Note to illustration on the front of jacket: In August 1814, a British raiding party led by Admiral Sir George Cockburn launched an attack on Washington. They set fire to the Capitol, then proceeded to the White House and, before setting fire to it, consumed a meal set out by Dolly Madison which had been abandoned by the fugitive President and his family. Cockburn next proceeded to the offices of The National Intelligence to avenge himself on the press which had abused him. He ordered his men to destroy the paper's printing types, saying 'Be sure that all the Cs are destroyed so that the rascals cannot any longer abuse my name'.
        Cockburn then laid siege to Baltimore, the unsuccessful fusillades prompting the composition of 'The Star Spangled Banner', whose reference to 'the hireling and slave' in the British force alludes, as Robin Blackburn points out in The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, to the fact that Cockburn had offered freedom to all slaves who would join him in his attacks of 1813 and 1814. According to a British report these slaves conducted themselves very well and 'were uniformly volunteers for the Station where they might expect to meet their former masters.' Some of these black recruits were in the party that burned the White House.
        Alex's brothers Andrew and Patrick have also written about this.
        This highlights the darkest heart of the United States, eager to assault indigenous people '-- be they Africans, or natives of what we call ''America,'' or Berbers or Arab or whoever. Native Americans who are perceived as having been defeated can now be romanticized to an extent, while Arabs and Muslims who are not eager to roll over for U.S. establishment power are demonized. It also highlights that racism and violent nationalist identity are closely intertwined and attempts at separating the two may well be mere cover for both.
        Sam Husseini is founder of VotePact.org.
    Obama Nation
      Beyond war on drugs, Philippines' Duterte seen setting up economic boom | Reuters
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        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 05:25
        ByKaren Lema|MANILA
        MANILA (Reuters) - Less than two months in office, Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte is getting high marks from the business community for policies that could engineer an economic surge and companies say they are making new investments as a result.
        While Duterte may be getting headlines for a bloody war against drug dealers and users, less attention has been paid to one of Asia's few economic success stories.
        The groundwork was laid by Duterte's predecessor, President Benigno Aquino, who took growth above 6 percent over his six-year term , but executives are also cheering the new administration's focus on building new infrastructure and say it could spell the start of a long-term boom. Some even see Duterte's violent and highly controversial anti-drugs campaign as potentially positive.
        "We are in a very good spot," said Antonio Moncupa Jr., president and CEO of East-West Banking Corp, one of the top 10 lenders in the country. "The pronouncement of government prioritising infrastructure spending, accelerating it and cutting red tape, solving peace and order, I think all point to very good prospects ahead."
        Last week, the government announced that the Philippines' economy grew at 7 percent in the second quarter from a year earlier, its highest level in three years. It makes the Philippines the fastest growing among all countries that have reported so far for the second quarter.
        When Duterte won the May presidential election, there were questions marks over how he would handle the economy '' Duterte, who is nicknamed "the Punisher", has been unapologetic over unleashing the police on drug users and dealers. Philippine National Police Chief Ronald Dela Rosa said on Monday that there have been 1,800 drug-related deaths since Duterte took over as president, with 712 of those at the hands of the police.
        The new president has launched a crackdown on online gambling, vowed to destroy oligarchs, warned that the country could live without a mining industry if environmental standards were not met and called the U.S. ambassador a "gay son of a whore".
        But Duterte has a 91 percent approval rating in the latest public survey and businesses are lining up to announce expansion plans. The mainstays of the economy - remittances and the outsourcing sector - are flourishing and boosting domestic consumption.
        DOMESTIC EXPANSION
        Jollibee Foods Corp, the biggest fastfood chain in the country, plans to open 200 more domestic stores this year. So does Robinsons Retail, taking its total to over 1,500. BDO Unibank Inc, the country's biggest lender, plans to open 50-100 new branches this year.
        "We are supportive and encouraged by the new administration's socio-economic agenda, which has a holistic approach for the benefit of all, including JFC," said Jollibee investor relations officer Cossette Palomar.
        However, the Philippines has a worrying precedent of a strongman leader.
        In the 1960s, when the country had one of the highest per capita incomes in Asia, Ferdinand Marcos took over as president. Two decades of dictatorship, corruption and plunder by Marcos left the Philippines in a shambles.
        "Business will be good under this administration," BDO Unibank executive vice-president Luis Reyes said of Duterte. "Concerns centre more on the extra-judicial killings."
        Supporters of Duterte say even as the long-term mayor of the southern city of Davao, where he earned his reputation for busting crime, he created the conditions for business to flourish.
        Government data show that the Davao region's economy grew by 6.6 percent on average in 2010-14 compared with 6.3 percent for the whole country. According to one estimate, there were more than 20,000 people in outsourcing jobs in the city in 2013, and this sector was growing at more than 20 percent a year.
        Duterte's reputation of carrying out his promises has given businesses plenty to look forward to - for instance his vow to make spending on infrastructure a priority.
        "I believe infrastructure is going to grow very fast and it will have a double or triple effect," said Henry Schumacher of the European Chamber of Commerce in the Philippines. "Money will be available. An iron fist is going to be behind it."
        SPEED UP, OR ELSE
        In May, Duterte told the country's main telecom providers to speed up the internet, or he would junk laws that prohibit foreign competition.
        Duterte's economic plan also includes lowering corporate and income taxes and a commitment to invest in education, to reap the demographic dividend of the country's young population.
        About two-thirds of the Philippines' 100 million people are of working age, between 15 and 64, rising from about 56 percent of the population in 1990. In 2030, about 70 percent of the 125 million people will be of working age, the government has projected.
        "This is another advantage given other neighbours in the region, most of Northeast Asia and some in Southeast Asia, have populations that are ageing and are therefore facing labour supply constraints," said Euben Paracuelles, an economist at Nomura.
        Still, Joanne Burgonio, a 27-year-old software analyst in Manila, said it was too early to say what a Duterte presidency would bring.
        "My concern is transportation," she said, adding that she waited two hours for a bus home the previous evening.
        "His focus now is (on) drug pushers, hopefully the focus will be on infrastructure. I am optimistic because whatever he promised before he was elected, he is doing."
        (Additional reporting by Neil Jerome Morales and Enrico dela Cruz; Editing by Raju Gopalakrishnan)
    American Indians
      Why is the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe trying to stop a pipeline? - CSMonitor.com
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 12:56
        Energy/Environment
        A native American tribe, which says a four-state pipeline encroaches on their sacred land and water supplies, succeeded Tuesday in getting a federal judge to temporarily stop construction on some of the $3.7 billion project.
        By Rowena Lindsay, Staff / September 7, 2016
        A federal judge has agreed to temporarily halt construction on a portion of the Dakota Access Pipeline after the native American Standing Rock Sioux Tribe sought a preliminary injunction to halt construction, saying that the pipeline would cut through sacred land, contaminate the tribe's water source, and violate the National Historic Preservation Act.
        US District Judge James Boasberg said Tuesday that work will temporarily stop between North Dakota's State Highway 1806 and 20 miles east of Lake Oahe. However, it will continue to the west of the highway, he said, because the US Army Corps of Engineers does not have jurisdiction over private land. By Friday, Judge Boasberg said, he will rule on the tribe's challenge of federal regulators' decision to grant permits for the pipeline.
        Jan Hasselman, the Earthjustice attorney who filed the broader lawsuit on behalf of the tribe, has said that the tribe will "know more by the end of the week about where we're heading," according to the Associated Press.
        The Standing Rock Sioux Tribe began protesting the pipeline in April and has since been joined by nearly 1,000 indigenous people from various tribes around the country.
        If completed, the 1,168 mile Bakken Pipeline will funnel 570,000 barrels of crude oil each day through North Dakota to Iowa, passing only one mile away from the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe's reservation. However, the tribe says that the government never completed the required consultation with the native tribes of the area before beginning the project.
        "It's a system designed to let things slip through the cracks, but it's up to us to hold our government accountable. Our land is in danger, as well as our identity, but we will not stand in silence," Jasilyn Charger of the Cheyenne River Sioux Tribe, who was part of a group that ran a 2,000-mile relay run from North Dakota to Washington, D.C., to protest the pipeline, told Indian Country Today. "We are rising from this dilemma and uniting nations that have been separate for generations. We must take advantage of this chance to make a change."
        The temporary, partial hold on construction follows a weekend of clashes between demonstrators and construction workers for Energy Transfer Partners. Four private security guards and two dogs had to receive medical attention, and six protesters '' including one child '' were bitten while dozens of others were pepper sprayed, according to law enforcement and tribal officials, respectively.
        The conflict over the pipeline encapsulates the decades of tension over native Americans' efforts to protect rights to their land and cultures. "The Great Sioux Reservation, formed in the eighteen-sixties, shrunk again and again '' in 1980, a federal court said, of the whole sad story, 'a more ripe and rank case of dishonorable dealings will never, in all probability, be found in our history,'" Bill McKibben writes in an essay for The New Yorker.
        "The U.S. government is wiping out our most important cultural and spiritual areas," LaDonna Brave Bull Allard, a historic preservation officer for the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, wrote this week for Yes! Magazine. "And as it erases our footprint from the world, it erases us as a people. These sites must be protected, or our world will end, it is that simple. Our young people have a right to know who they are. They have a right to language, to culture, to tradition. The way they learn these things is through connection to our lands and our history."
        This report contains material from Reuters and the Associated Press.
    Mexico
      Mexico's Finance Minister Resigns in Wake of Trump Visit - WSJ
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        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 13:55
        MEXICO CITY'--Donald Trump's recent visit to Mexico, widely seen in the country as a humiliation, claimed a high-profile political victim on Wednesday with the resignation of Finance Minister Luis Videgaray, President Enrique Pe±a Nieto's closest adviser.
        Mr. Videgaray, who played a key role in helping orchestrate the Trump trip, was succeeded by Jos(C) Antonio Meade, the country's social development minister and former finance chief,...
    BLM
      Ferguson Protest Leader Darren Seals Found Dead in Vehicle - NYTimes.com
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 02:40
        The body of an activist from St. Louis who led protests about the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., in 2014 was found with a gunshot wound in the charred remains of a vehicle on Tuesday morning, according to the police and news accounts.
        The activist, Darren Seals, 29, was found inside the vehicle on Diamond Drive in Riverview in St. Louis County around 1:50 a.m., the St. Louis County Police Department said in a statement. The vehicle had been on fire and he was found after the flames were extinguished.
        The police said Mr. Seals had lived at an address on Millburn Drive in St. Louis, about 12 miles from where his body was found. The case is being investigated as a homicide by the department's Bureau of Crimes Against Persons. The motive for the killing was unknown.
        The police identified Mr. Seals as Daren Seals, although other records listed the spelling of his first name as Darren, The St. Louis Post-Dispatch reported.
        On his Twitter account, Mr. Seals described himself as a businessman, revolutionary, activist and ''Unapologetically BLACK, Afrikan in AmeriKKKa, Fighter, Leader.''
        He helped lead protests after Mr. Brown, an unarmed black teenager, was shot and killed on Aug. 9, 2014, by Darren Wilson, a white police officer, in Ferguson, a suburb of St. Louis.
        The shooting prompted protests that roiled the area for weeks. On Nov. 24, 2014, the St. Louis County prosecutor announced that a grand jury had decided not to indict Mr. Wilson. That announcement set off another wave of protests.
        In an interview with MTV.com, Mr. Seals described the night the grand jury announcement was made. He said he was with Mr. Brown's mother and some friends outside the Ferguson Police Department.
        He said the decision not to indict the officer was ''the ultimate slap in the face.''
        ''And for Mike Brown's mother to be right there in my arms crying '-- she literally cried in my arms '-- it was like I felt her soul crying,'' he said. ''It's a different type of crying. I've seen people crying, but she was really hurt. And it hurt me. It hurt all of us.''
        Mr. Seals led protests with the group Hands Up United, which was organizing a campaign called Polls Ova Police, which sought to use this year's elections to challenge police policies.
        ''The broken systems and policies that police enforce must be challenged,'' the project said on its website. ''We will not vote in favor of any candidate partnering with those who are not fighting for Black life. Polls Ova Police is the war cry of this generation.''
        On Twitter, supporters paid tribute to Mr. Seals on Tuesday:
    CLIPS AND DOCS
      VIDEO-The Cleveland Cough: Hillary Clinton has begun to Degrade in Health due to Our Magick - YouTube
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 14:02
      VIDEO-Mexico, US need to 'collaborate' on drug cartels
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 13:54
        "Just as Mexico should fight these organisations and reduce supply, all the efforts that the U.S. can make to reduce demand and to make sure that the younger population in the U.S. does not go into drugs, that's first of all going to help the U.S. a lot, it's going to be very good for the U.S. society," he told CNBC.
        Read MoreCitigroup's Mexico situation 'a horror show': Dick Bove
        More than 60,000 people are estimated to have died between 2006 to 2012 in drug-related violence in Mexico according to charity Human Rights Watch, with Mexican drug cartels taking in between $19 and $29 billion annually from U.S. drug sales, a report from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security found.
        "But it's also going to be good for Mexico because the demand for drugs will be lesser. So it's collaboration, it's a shared responsibility," he said.
        He added the prevention of violence as a result of illegal drug trafficking and the creation of a safer environment for the people of Mexico was a priority of this government.
        Mexico has been dubbed the kidnap capital of the world, a name which Videgaray disputed, but he agreed that a strategy for fighting kidnapping is needed.
        Read MoreWant growth? Learn to compete: Mexico's Carstens
        "Well I'm not sure that that statistic is correct but the fact is that we need to have a strategy, which we do, for fighting kidnapping," he said.
        "As we weaken criminal organisations, we will weaken kidnappings, we will weaken extortion, which is a very damaging social phenomenon. I think we're making good progress in cities like Monterey, or cities like Juarez on the border that are very violent, and now the levels of violence have been reduced substantially," he said,
        The Mexican economy is also in a "better position," with stronger fundamentals than other emerging markets at the moment, Videgaray said, adding the "market is pricing Mexico differently, and that has a lot to do with the prospects of growth. "
      VIDEO-Johnson seeks to clarify Aleppo remarks | MSNBC
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 12:53
        New Trump hire portends campaign nastiness
        Dan Rather, host of The Big Interview on AXS TV, talks with Rachel Maddow about Donald Trump's new deputy campaign manager, David Bossie, a long-time anti-Clinton attack dog, and the unifying thread behind the new Trump campaign hires, billionaire Robe...
        The Rachel Maddow Show
        09/02/16
        Duration: 7:54
      VIDEO-Gary Johnson asks: What is Aleppo? | MSNBC
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 12:52
        New Trump hire portends campaign nastiness
        Dan Rather, host of The Big Interview on AXS TV, talks with Rachel Maddow about Donald Trump's new deputy campaign manager, David Bossie, a long-time anti-Clinton attack dog, and the unifying thread behind the new Trump campaign hires, billionaire Robe...
        The Rachel Maddow Show
        09/02/16
        Duration: 7:54
      VIDEO-Protesters, Including Children, Mauled As Private Mercenaries Attack Native American Pipeline Protest
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 06:54
        A private security firm guarding the highly controversial construction of $3.8 billion oil pipeline turned mercenary on Saturday, unleashing vicious attack dogs against a sizable crowd of peaceful protesters '-- including women and children.
        Members of the Standing Rock Sioux and at least 100 other Native American nations as well as activists and advocates peacefullychanted''water is life''while guards held dogs nearby to intimidate the crowd. Without warning, these security henchmen showered the demonstrators with pepper spray and released the dogs '-- at least six people were bitten, including a young child.
        Called the Dakota Access Pipeline by those responsible for its construction '-- and an evil, immoral usurpation and exploitation by those who know better '-- the project is slated to span four states, stretching 1,172 miles, but threatens the reservation's water supply and would invade sacred land.
        For months, the Standing Rock Sioux havecampedin the pipeline's proposed path, halting construction at least temporarily as Energy Transfer Partners, the firm responsible, continues to intimidate, harass, and now attack protesters attempting to protect their own land.
        Although tribe spokesman Steve Sitting Bear said 30 people had been pepper-sprayed and six suffered dog bites, Morton County Sheriff's Office spokeswoman Donnell Preskey claimed law enforcement had received no reports of protesters being injured,according totheWall Street Journal.
        Preskey also claimed no law enforcement personnel were present when the attack occurred, but video shows a North Dakota State Patrol helicopter hovering overhead while dogs attacked.
        Video of the moment of attack has, in fact, been difficult to obtain, since cell reception at the site frequently cuts off in what many suspect is a law enforcement attempt to cover up the company's vicious quashing of the protest.
        Immediately before video of the skirmish cuts out, a panicked protester can beheardscreaming,''They've got trucks behind us, too!''
        Sacred Stone Camp, the water protectors' defensive encampment, posted a picture of a female security guard holding a choke-chain wearing dog to Facebook with the alarming description,''Yes, that is the blood of peaceful protestors on this dog's mouth.''
        Dogs indiscriminately bit anyone and anything in their path '-- including a horse '-- and at one point, in seeming karmic retribution, even turned on their handlers.
        One day prior to the violent incident, the Standing Rock Sioux filed court documents stating they found several sites of ''significant cultural and historic value'' directly in the proposed path of the pipeline '-- a discovery made only recently when the tribe was finally allowed to survey the area.
        According to tribal preservation officer Tim Mentz in court documentscited bytheWSJ, burial rock piles and other significant discoveries were found by researchers.
        Tragically, Standing Rock Sioux Chairman David Archambault II described in a statement that construction crews had callously removed topsoil in a 150-foot wide area stretching for two miles.
        ''This demolition is devastating,''Archambault said, asquoted bytheWSJ.''These grounds are the resting places of our ancestors. The ancient cairns and stone prayer rings there cannot be replaced. In one day, our sacred land has been turned into hollow ground.''
        By the end of August, at least 4,000 protesters had converged on the site to help defend the land from pillaging by construction crews '-- who, incidentally, were recentlyrevealedby the Army Corps of Engineers not to haveobtainedthe mandatory easement necessary to proceed.
        Also in late August, at thebehestof North Dakota homeland security Greg Wiltz, state officialsremoved the demonstrators' water supply'-- despite sweltering late summer heat '-- due to alleged disorderly conduct, including a laser aimed at a surveillance aircraft.
        ''The gathering here remains 100 percent peaceful and ceremonial as it has from day one,''LaDonna Allard, director of one of the prayer campssaidafter the removal of water.''We are standing together in prayer '... Why is a gathering of Indians so inherently threatening and frightening to some people?''
        Indeed, as video from the protest repeatedly proves, demonstrators have remained peaceful, only protecting themselves from brutal force and intimidation by the security firm and law enforcement when no other option but self-defense exists '-- as in the case of Saturday's attack.
        Despite this evidence, Morton County Sheriff Kyle Kirchmeier claimed in a statementcited bytheWSJthat''individuals crossed onto private property and accosted private security officers with wooden posts and flagpoles ['...] Any suggestion that today's event was a peaceful protest, is false.''
        Viral video of the violent confrontation '-- which clearly shows protesters forced to defend themselves from the vicious animals and callous guards '-- was, of course, glaringly omitted from theWall Street Journal's report.
        Mainstream media has all but ignored the ongoing protest, despite both its ballooning size and pertinence in the continuing struggle for Native Americans fighting naked government and corporate exploitation.
        Challenges to construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline will be ruled upon by a federal judge sometime before September 9.
        ''This is nothing but repression of our growing movement to protect our water and future generations,''Tara Houska, national campaigns director for Honor the Earth, aptlysummarizedin August.
        As one tribe member described, in a sentiment shared by most protesters, of Saturday's mercenary attack in a post to Facebook:
        ''My daughter was bitten by one of the contractor's vicious dogs today in direct action that once again stopped construction of their evil and immoral pipeline.
        ''No father has ever been prouder of one of his children then I am tonight for her being wounded battling for the future of her son and my grandson and for your children and your grandchildren.
        ''She is strong and as determined as ever to be remembered as one of her generation who courageously took a stand to kill their black snakes.''
      VIDEO-THE-TRAP-Trump: Handle Sex Assault In Military Courts, Me Asking What Did They Expect When They Put Men and Women Together 'Accurate' - Breitbart
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        During NBC's Commander-in-Chief Forum on Wednesday, Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump argued that sexual assault in the military should be handled in a military court system and defended a tweet where, after pointing to the number of unreported military sexual assaults compared to the number of convictions, he asked, ''What did these geniuses expect when they put men & women together?''
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        Trump said that sexual assault in the military is ''a massive problem.'' He stated, ''[W]e're going to have to run it very tight. I, at the same time, want to keep the court system within the military. I don't think it should be outside of the military, but we have to come down very, very hard on that. '... It is a massive problem, but we have to do something about that problem, and the best thing we can do is set up a court system within the military. Right now, the court system practically doesn't exist. It takes too long.''
        He was then asked about his tweet from 2013 where he said, ''26,000 unreported sexual assults [sic] in the military-only 238 convictions. What did these geniuses expect when they put men & women together?''
        Trump responded, ''Well, it is a correct tweet. There are many people that think that that's absolutely correct. And we need to have a ''.''
        Host Matt Lauer then cut in to ask, ''So, this should should have been expected? And does that mean the only way to fix it is take women out of the military?''
        Trump responded, ''Well, it's happening, and by the way, since then, it's gotten worse. No, not to kick them out, but something has to be '-- happen. You '-- right now, part of the problem is, nobody gets prosecuted. You have reported'...you have the report of rape, and nobody gets prosecuted. There are no consequences. When you have somebody that does something so evil, so bad as that, there has to be consequence for that person. You have to go after that person. Right now, nobody's doing anything. Look at the small number of results. I mean, that's part of the problem.''
        Follow Ian Hanchett on Twitter @IanHanchett
      VIDEO-Rodrigo Duterte calls Barack Obama a 'son of a whore' '' video | World news | The Guardian
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        Barack Obama has cancelled a meeting with the president of the Philippines after Rodrigo Duterte appeared to call him a ''son of a whore'. The move followed a warning from Duterte to the US president to stay away from the subject of extrajudicial killings in his country's brutal drug war when they were due to meet on Tuesday at a regional summit in Laos.
      VIDEO-Barack Obama cancels Rodrigo Duterte talks after insult - News from Al Jazeera
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        US President Barack Obama has cancelled what would have been his first meeting with Rodrigo Duterte, according to a White House spokesman, hours after the Philippine leader described his American counterpart in vulgar terms.
        Duterte called Obama a "son of a whore", saying that he would not be lectured by the US leader on human rights, according to AFP news agency.
        Inside Story - Can Rodrigo Duterte win the war on illegal drugs?
        Duterte's tirade came as he bristled at warnings he would face questioning by the US president at their scheduled meeting over his war against drugs in the Philippines, which has claimed more than 2,400 lives in just over two months.
        "You must be respectful. Do not just throw away questions and statements. Son of a whore, I will curse you in that forum," Duterte told a news conference shortly before flying to Laos to attend a summit on Monday.
        "We will be wallowing in the mud like pigs if you do that to me," he said.
        However, a statement released by the Philippine president on Tuesday expressed regret for the tirade against his US counterpart.
        "While the immediate cause was my strong comments to certain press questions that elicited concern and distress, we also regret it came across as a personal attack on the US president," the statement said.
        Duterte was due to hold a bilateral meeting with Obama on Tuesday afternoon on the sidelines of a gathering of global leaders hosted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Vientiane, the capital of the Laos.
        READ MORE: The Philippines, where bodies pile up, but no one talks
        Shortly after Duterte's comments, Obama had appeared to cast doubt on whether a meeting could take place with the Philippines president. Calling Duterte "a colourful guy", Obama said he was asking his staff to find out whether a meeting would be useful.
        "I always want to make sure if I'm having a meeting that it's actually productive and we're getting something done," he told reporters.
        Duterte, 71, was elected in May after promising to wage an unprecedented war on drugs.
        INTERACTIVE: Death toll in Duterte's war on drugs
        Official figures released on Sunday showed that, since Duterte took office on June 30, more than 2,400 people have been killed in police anti-drug operations and by suspected vigilantes.
        Death toll rises as Philippines intensifies war on drugs
        Speaking on the sidelines of the G20 summit in the Chinese city of Hangzhou, Obama said Washington recognised that drugs were a significant problem for the Philippines.
        But he also insisted that he would not shy away from raising concerns about the way the issue was being handled under the new administration.
        "The issue of how we approach fighting crime and drug trafficking is a serious one for all of us. We've got to do it the right way," Obama said.
        "Undoubtedly, if and when we have a meeting, this is something that's going to be brought up. And my expectation, my hope, is that it could be dealt with constructively."
        Duterte has previously angrily rejected criticism from the Catholic Church, human rights groups, politicians and the United Nations.
        "More people will be killed, plenty will be killed until the last pusher is out of the streets. Until the [last] drug manufacturer is killed, we will continue and I will continue," he said on Monday.
        READ MORE: Philippines and Maoist rebels sign indefinite ceasefire
        Duterte insisted he would not take orders from the US, a former colonial ruler of the Philippines, and did not care about how he was perceived.
        The maverick president has quickly earned a reputation for making offensive comments about his critics.
        Source: Agencies
      VIDEO-Obama Nixes Meeting After Rodrigo Duterte Lobs an Insult - WSJ
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        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 05:29
        VIENTIANE, Laos'--President Barack Obama canceled a planned meeting with Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, in a rare diplomatic rupture that follows an outbreak of tensions between two close allies over the Philippines' new drug war.
        The White House said last week that Mr. Obama was planning to meet with Mr. Duterte during his trip to Laos for a summit of Asian leaders beginning Tuesday. The meeting would have been the first...
      VIDEO-Msnbc's lies continue - YouTube
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      VIDEO-Steph Curry: I Love That Colin Kaepernick Stands Up For His Beliefs | CNBC - YouTube
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      VIDEO-Trump surrogates squirm under increased scrutiny - Reuters TV
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        00:00:01
        >> As the Trump campaign continues to promise a kinder and gentler candidate is right around the corner, his staffers and surrogates keep finding themselves flailing in the glare of increased scrutiny. Just weeks after Paul Manafort, Trump's second campaign manager, was ousted over allegations he took cash from pro-Russian Ukrainian groups.
        00:00:19
        His third campaign chief Steven Bennin now revealed to have been charged in 1996 for misdemeanor and domestic violence. And according to court documents reviewed by the AP, Bennin's ex-wife in that case claimed he quote, doesn't like Jews and would not let her daughter attend a school with Jews.
        00:00:35
        Bennin's alleged remarks follows a pattern among some prominent Trump surrogates. On Friday, the governor of Maine, Paul LePage, a Trump supporter and stumper apologized for leaving an obscenity-laced voicemail for a lawmaker who he believed called him a racist.>> I would like to talk to you about your comments about my being a racist, you
        BLEEP] s
        cker.>> The incident followed a town hall meeting on Wednesday, where LePage said that 90% of drug dealers were Black or Hispanic.>> The fact of the matter is sir, I am not a racist.
        00:00:56
        I've spent my life helping black people and you little son of a
        00:01:13
        >> Trump has had to answer to some of the more outrageous remarks by his supporters. Like when New Hampshire State Rep Al Baldasaro, who advises Trump on veteran's issues said, quote Hillary Clinton should be put in a firing line and shot for treason. Or when Trump New York campaign chair Carl Paladino said he had no doubt that Obama was a Muslim.
        00:01:32
        The Trump campaign's brash outspokenness helped him win the Republican primary, but has become a liability in the general election. In the latest Reuters Ipsos poll, Clinton is leading Trump by five points.
      VIDEO-BREAKING=> Julian Assange: Wikileaks May Start Releasing Hillary Clinton Email Teasers Next Week (VIDEO)
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        Thu, 08 Sep 2016 02:59
        WIkileaks founder Julian Assange told Sean Hannity tonight his organization will release several batches of Hillary Clinton emails in the coming weeks. Assange said Wikileaks may release the first batch next week.
        Julian Assange: The first batch is reasonably soon. We're quite confident on it now. We might put out some teasers. I don't want to promise anything because we want to see how the formatting goes. We might put out some teasers as early as next week.
        How delicious!He's going to release ''Teasers'' first!God protect him!
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      VIDEO-The Hollywood Masters: Oliver Stone on Snowden - YouTube
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      VIDEO-Republicans up pressure over Iran 'ransom' amid admission US paid $1.7B in cash | Fox News
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        Amid new revelations that the U.S. actually forked over $1.7 billion to Iran in foreign hard currency around the time four American prisoners were released '' far more than the $400 million initially reported '' the Obama administration is facing renewed pressure from Congress to explain the payment that Republicans have called ''ransom.''
        With Congress back from the summer recess, already one committee has a hearing on the transaction scheduled for Thursday. Republicans introduced at least two pieces of legislation on Tuesday meant to crack down on such payments.
        And the Donald Trump campaign is seizing on the latest revelations to hammer the administration and his Democratic opponent.
        ''President Obama's secret $400 million ransom payment to Iran already set an incredibly dangerous precedent, and news that it was followed by two more plane loads of cash only makes this blunder even worse,'' Trump spokesman Jason Miller said in a statement. ''Hillary Clinton's support for President Obama's approach to Iran, including the deeply flawed nuclear deal she helped spearhead, reflects the same bad judgment that characterized her foreign policy decision-making as Secretary of State.''
        It was already known that the administration delivered $400 million to Iran on Jan. 17, the same day Iran agreed to release four American prisoners '' as part of a bigger $1.7 billion payment.
        The administration is now acknowledging the full $1.7 billion payment was made entirely in cash, using non-U.S. currency.
        Congressional officials told the Wall Street Journal that the remaining $1.3 billion was paid in two more installments delivered on Jan. 22 and Feb. 5, just days after the initial release of prisoners.
        The $1.7 billion represented the settlement of a decades-old arbitration claim between the U.S. and Iran.
        A Treasury spokeswoman said the cash payments were necessary because of the "effectiveness of U.S. and international sanctions," which isolated Iran from the international finance system. The payments were made in Swiss francs, euros and other currencies. The $1.3 billion represented estimated interest on the Iranian cash the U.S. had held since the 1970s.
        White House officials have said that they believed the U.S. would lose the arbitration case over the initial $400 million payment. Such a decision would have made them liable for much more money.
        But congressional Republicans accuse the White House of paying ransom to Iran in exchange for the prisoners, a charge President Obama has rejected.
        On Tuesday, Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., and Rep. Ed Royce, R-Calif., introduced bills that would crack down on such payments.
        "The U.S. government should not be in the business of negotiating with terrorists and paying ransom money in exchange for the release of American hostages," Rubio said in a statement.
        The senator's proposal would bar the U.S. government from paying ransom and prohibit further payments to Iran from the so-called Judgment Fund until Iran returns ''ransom money'' and pays American victims of Iranian terrorism.
        Royce's bill would bar cash payments to Iran.
        Royce, the chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, blasted the administration over what he called a ''cash ransom'' to Iran.
        ''What on earth was the White House thinking?'' he said in a statement. ''Sending the world's leading state sponsor of terror pallets of untraceable cash isn't just terrible policy. It's incredibly reckless, and it only puts bigger targets on the backs of Americans.''
        Meanwhile, the House Financial Services Oversight Subcommittee is holding a hearing Thursday examining the Iran payment. Subcommittee Chairman Rep. Sean Duffy, R-Wis., said the big problem with the payments is that they were in cash '' making them ''untraceable.''
        ''The Iranians wanted hard, cold cash going to their military to fund their terrorist network,'' Duffy told Fox News on Wednesday.
        The Obama administration had claimed the transfer and the prisoner release were unrelated events, but recently acknowledged the initial cash payment was used as leverage until the Americans were allowed to leave Iran.
        The Associated Press contributed to this report.
      VIDEO-Let's Talk Tiki Bars: Harmless Fun Or Exploitation? : The Salt : NPR
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        Archipelago, in Washington, D.C., is among a wave of new tiki bars across the country. But how do South Pacific islanders feel about tiki kitsch? Frank N. Carlson/Courtesy of Archipelagohide caption
        toggle captionFrank N. Carlson/Courtesy of ArchipelagoArchipelago, in Washington, D.C., is among a wave of new tiki bars across the country. But how do South Pacific islanders feel about tiki kitsch?
        Frank N. Carlson/Courtesy of ArchipelagoSay you want to escape the doldrums of daily life '-- but you can't quite afford a trip to Hawaii. Why not to head to your local tiki bar for a sample of the South Seas?
        These faux-Polynesian, palm-thatched rum palaces that were all the rage in the 1960s are now making a comeback. Leading this nouveau-tiki movement are Lost Lake and Three Dots and a Dash in Chicago, Lei Low in Houston and Latitude 29 in New Orleans.
        The newest, hippest island-themed establishment in Washington, D.C., is called Archipelago '-- and it's tiki-kitsch to the max. There are glass fishing floats hanging from the ceiling. A lamp in the corner is shaped like a sexy hula dancer. And by the bar they've got a shrine dedicated to our favorite Hawaii-based TV private investigator, the '80s-tastic Tom Selleck.
        When I meet friends '-- husband-and-wife duo Eden and Angelo Villagomez '-- for happy hour here, our first drink is a communal one. It's served in a giant, hollowed-out pineapple and garnished with a flaming lime. The concoction inside is mostly rum, with a bit of fruit on top.
        "Can we please put that fire out?" says Eden, looking skeptically at the drink. She and her husband are both from the western Pacific island of Saipan, and they tell me that bars in their hometown would never serve anything like this. But Angelo savors what our bartender calls the Pineapple of Hospitality. "This is potent," he informs us, as he slurps with verve, through his neon orange Krazy straw (being careful to avoid the flame). "I'm feeling that hospitality."
        So how did we end up at this boozy, tropical oasis in the middle of buttoned-up Washington, D.C.? To answer that question, we've got to look back about 80 years, says Ken Albala, a professor of food history at the University of the Pacific in San Francisco.
        The menu at Don the Beachcomber from 1943. The restaurant opened in 1934 in LA, kicking off the tiki bar craze. The menu was loosely inspired by the tropical flavors that owner Donn Beach encountered during his travels in the South Pacific. California Historical Society/Flickrhide caption
        toggle captionCalifornia Historical Society/FlickrThe menu at Don the Beachcomber from 1943. The restaurant opened in 1934 in LA, kicking off the tiki bar craze. The menu was loosely inspired by the tropical flavors that owner Donn Beach encountered during his travels in the South Pacific.
        California Historical Society/FlickrThe first tiki bar, called Don the Beachcomber, opened in 1934 in Los Angeles Ì¶ and it's still operating. It was the brainchild of New Orleans native Ernest Raymond Beaumont Gantt, who traveled the world and explored the Caribbean and the South Pacific, before settling in LA, changing his name to Donn Beach and setting up his namesake restaurant and cocktail lounge. The menu was loosely inspired by the tropical flavors he encountered during his travels.
        But the tiki trend didn't really take off until World War II, Albala says, when young men deployed to the war's Pacific theater were exposed for the first time to the South Pacific Ì¶ to Tonga and Fiji and Hawaii. They developed a taste for the tropical, which they passed on to the rest of the nation.
        "It was a weird moment in history, when the whole country became fascinated with the South Pacific," Albala says, "just because it was unknown and exotic." Rogers and Hammerstein even came out with a fun musical. "Tiki bars and restaurants became wildly popular, Albala says, though they "made no pretense to being authentically Polynesian."
        "The menus tended to feature this mish-mosh of pan-Asian fusion dishes," Albala says. Many tiki bars, oddly enough, served Chinese food, mostly because back in the '50s, Americans probably didn't know or care much for authentically Polynesian foods, he says. Chinese food was familiar, but still a bit exotic, "so they must have just decided, 'Well, that's close enough.' "
        And although tiki cocktails often feature tropical fruits and flavors, they're entirely American inventions, Albala says. Trader Vic's in Oakland, Calif., claims credit for inventing the now-famous Mai Tai.
        A menu for Trader Vic's from 1939. The lounge claims credit for having invented the well-known island-themed drink Mai Tai. Jim Heimann Collection/Getty Imageshide caption
        toggle captionJim Heimann Collection/Getty ImagesA menu for Trader Vic's from 1939. The lounge claims credit for having invented the well-known island-themed drink Mai Tai.
        Jim Heimann Collection/Getty ImagesOf course, tiki decor draws from Pacific cultures. Tiki, after all, is a Maori word for a type of stone or wooden carving found throughout the islands. But the tiki bar "is just taking all those cultures and putting them all in a blender and blending it all together to create this Isle of Tiki, which is this mythical place where tiki bars come from," says Kalewa Correa, a curator at the Smithsonian's Asian Pacific Islander Center.
        The man working the real blender at Archipelago, owner Owen Thomson, concurs. Tiki bars, he says, have always been "three steps removed from anything actually Polynesian." At his modern tiki bar, he says, "it's more about re-creating a piece of Americana, of that 1950s, 1960s style."
        And, it's about re-creating "that whole ethos of escapism," Thomson says. "One of the reasons you're seeing tiki bars pop up all over America again is because ... all of us [are] staring at our phones all day, wrapped up in whatever stressful thing." The tiki bar gives us a reason to sort of step out of your daily life, he adds. "There's island music and big fruity rum drinks, thatch and bamboo everywhere and you just kind of like, let it all go for a bit."
        Letting it go '-- that's something Type A D.C. folks like me should probably do more often. But here's the thing: I'm drinking a pi±a colada out of a ceramic mug that's shaped like what's actually an important cultural symbol for the Hawaiians and the Maori and the Samoans. And that's something I should probably pause and consider for a minute, says Correa from the Smithsonian.
        "What you're looking at '-- the carvings are either representations of gods, or they're representations of ancestors," he says. "So if we were to put that into a context that Americans would understand, it would be like going into a Christian-themed bar" with drinks served in glasses shaped like the Virgin Mary.
        Pacific Islanders have, for the most part, ignored this whole trend, Correa says. "But seeing your ancient gods or your ancestors in a bar somewhere far from where you are '-- I think that can be hard."
        Seeing his Hawaiian culture commodified and turned into kitsch can feel invalidating, he adds. "Really at the root of it, it's exploitation," he says. "It's ignoring the real lives, the real culture and the real problems that we do face."
        Tiki bars can also feed into the idea that the islands are just a place to vacation or escape, he says, when in fact, Pacific islanders have real concerns '-- like climate change threatening their homeland, and their traditional ways of living.
        Back at the bar, my companion Angelo Villagomez agrees, but up to a point. "We're seen as a place that's just a tourist destination," he says. "It's only a place that you go to to have fun." That doesn't sit well with many islanders, who think of themselves as earnest, hard workers, he says.
        But he can understand why tourists become so enamored with the islands that they try to re-create the experience at tiki bars and restaurants. "There is something special about Pacific communities," he explains. "When people visit they do feel welcome, they do feel like they're part of the community." The "Aloha spirit," as they call it in Hawaii, is infectious. "I think bars like the one we're at," he says, "are sort of an attempt by people in the mainland to re-create some of that spirit. And maybe they're kind of re-creating it completely incorrectly. But I do think it comes from a good place."
        Besides, he adds, he's really into his Pineapple of Hospitality. "I mean, I'm having fun; I've got good food, good rum" '-- not to mention a Krazy straw.
        "The way we look in the popular culture is more an issue of identity," he starts to say before taking a swig of cocktail. But he loses his train of thought. "Man, this rum is good," he says, laughing. "What was your question again? Because I think rum is the answer."
      VIDEO-Trump: Let Hillary 'Release Her Emails, And I'll Release My Tax Returns Immediately' - Breitbart
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        On Tuesday's broadcast of the Fox News Channel's ''O'Reilly Factor,'' Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump responded to Democratic presidential nominee former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's criticism of his failure to release his tax returns by stating, ''Let her release her emails, and I'll release my tax returns immediately.''
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        Trump said, [relevant exchange begins around 3:40] that no one cares about his tax returns aside from people in the media, and ''I don't know when that's going to be, but when the audit is complete, I'll release my returns. I have no problem with it. It doesn't matter.''
        He added of Clinton, ''In the meantime, she has 33,000 emails that she deleted. When is she going to release her emails? She probably knows how to find it. Let her release her emails, and I'll release my tax returns immediately.''
        Follow Ian Hanchett on Twitter @IanHanchett
      VIDEO-AUDIO-63 Days by UKPMX on SoundCloud - Hear the world's sounds
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[[authorName]]",{soundTitle:e.get("title"),authorName:e.get("user").username})),e.isBlocked()?(this.switchLayout(d),this.setViews({"l-main":["views/listen/blocked",{resource_id:e.resource_id}]})):(this.switchLayout(p),this.setViews({"l-main":["views/listen/listen-carousel",{resource_id:e.resource_id}],"l-footnote":["views/sound/sound-controls"]}))}var r=e("config"),i=e("config/error-messages"),s=e("models/exception"),o=e("lib/layout"),u=e("lib/futures"),a=e("lib/lingua"),f=e("models/playlist"),l=e("models/sound"),c=e("lib/url"),h=a.t("Enjoy the full SoundCloud experience with our free app."),p={template:e("lib/layouts/fullheight.tmpl"),includeFooter:".l-footnote"},d={template:e("layouts/blocked-listen.tmpl"),includeFooter:".l-footnote"},v=n.exports=o.extend({css:[e("lib/layouts/fullheight.css"),e("layouts/blocked-listen.css")],setup:function(e){var t=u.defer(),n,r=[];return r.push(m(e.userPermalink,e.soundPermalink,e.secretToken)),n=c.getQueryParam("in"),n&&r.push(g(n)),this.pageUrn="",u.all(r).then(function(e,t){return this.pageUrn=e.getUrn(),y.call(this,e,t)}.bind(this)).then(t.resolve),t},includeFooter:".l-footnote",getPageUrn:function(){return this.pageUrn},getUpsellText:function(){return h}})}), define("config/error-messages",["require","exports","module","lib/lingua"],function(e,t,n){var r=e("lib/lingua"),i=n.exports={UNKNOWN:{title:r.t("Something doesn't sound right."),message:r.t("Refresh the page to try again.")},PAGE_NOT_FOUND:{title:r.t("We can't find this page.")},SOUND_NOT_FOUND:{title:r.t("We can't find this sound.")},PLAYLIST_NOT_FOUND:{title:r.t("We can't find this playlist.")},USER_NOT_FOUND:{title:r.t("We can't find this user.")}}}), define("models/exception",["require","exports","module","underscore","lib/event-bus","lib/model"],function(e,t,n){var r=e("underscore"),i=e("lib/event-bus"),s=e("lib/model"),o=n.exports=s.extend({url:null,lastFetchTime:1,initialize:function(e){e=e||{},this.id||(e.id=this.id=this.cid,o.instances.set(this.id,this)),this.fatal=!!e.fatal,s.prototype.initialize.apply(this,arguments)}},{raise:function(e,t){var n=new o(e);n.release(),t=t||{};if(t.hard)throw n;i.trigger("exception",n)},ajaxFatal:function(e){return function(t,n){n!=="abort"&&o.raise(r.extend(e,{xhr:t,fatal:!0}))}},ajaxNonFatal:function(e){return function(t,n){n!=="abort"&&o.raise({message:e,xhr:t,fatal:!1})}}})}), define("models/playlist",["require","exports","module","$","underscore","models/audible-interface","lib/backbone","lib/event-bus","lib/model","models/sound","lib/errors/unauthorized-viewer","models/user","lib/mixins/urn"],function(e,t,n){function v(e,t){var n=e[t?"on":"off"].bind(e);n("play",m,this),n("pause",g,this),n("finish",y,this),n("time",b,this),n("seeked",w,this)}function m(e){this._internalNavigation||(E.call(this,e,"play"),this._internalNavigation=!0)}function g(e){this._internalNavigation||(E.call(this,e,"pause"),this._internalNavigation=!0)}function y(e){e.sound===this.soundsCollection.last()&&(E.call(this,e,"pause"),E.call(this,e,"finish"))}function b(e){E.call(this,e,"time")}function w(e){E.call(this,e,"seeked")}function E(e,t){e.playlist=this,this.trigger(t,e),u.trigger("audio:"+t,e)}function S(){var e=[];i.each(this.get("tracks"),function(t){var n,r,s;this.containsSound(t.id)||(s=new f(t),this.addSubmodel(s),r=i.extend({},t,{resource_id:{playlist_id:this.id,sound_id:t.id}}),n=new f(r,{suppressGlobalEvents:!0}),n.playlist=this,n.originalSound=s,e.push(n),v.call(this,n,!0))},this),this.soundsCollection.length===0?this.soundsCollection.reset(e):this.soundsCollection.add(e,{silent:!0})}function x(e,t){var n=e.soundsCollection,r=n.get(t);if(r){var i=n.indexOf(r),s=e.get("tracks").slice();return r.isPlaying()&&r.pause(),s.splice(i,1),n.remove(r),e.set("tracks",s),r.playlist=null,r.release(),!0}return!1}var r=e("$"),i=e("underscore"),s=e("models/audible-interface"),o=e("lib/backbone"),u=e("lib/event-bus"),a=e("lib/model"),f=e("models/sound"),l=e("lib/errors/unauthorized-viewer"),c=e("models/user"),h=e("lib/mixins/urn"),p;p=o.Collection.extend({model:f,fetch:function(){return this.playlist.fetch.apply(this.playlist,arguments)},initialize:function(e,t){this.playlist=t.playlist},hasDataForView:function(){return!!this.playlist.attributes.tracks},isFullyPopulated:function(){return!0},_usageCount:function(){return 1},hold:r.noop,release:r.noop});var d=n.exports=s.extend(h,{resource_type:"playlist",urnPrefix:"soundcloud:playlists",submodelMap:{tracks:f,user:c},soundsCollection:null,currentSoundCursor:0,_isPlayActionQueued:!1,_internalNavigation:!1,setup:function(){s.prototype.setup.apply(this,arguments);var e=this,t=this.soundsCollection=new p(null,{playlist:e});t.on("error",function(t,n){n instanceof l&&x(e,t.id)})},baseUrl:function(){return this.getEndpointUrl("playlist",{id:this.id})},parse:function(e){return e=a.prototype.parse.apply(this,arguments),e.secret_token&&e.tracks&&e.tracks.forEach(function(t){t.sharing!=="public"&&(t.secret_token=e.secret_token)}),e.sharing==="private"&&(e.track_count=Math.max(e.track_count,e.tracks.length)),e},createSubmodel:function(e,t){t==="tracks"?S.call(this):a.prototype.createSubmodel.apply(this,arguments)},findSound:function(e){return this.findSoundById(e.id)},containsSound:function(e){return!!this.findSoundById(e)},findSoundById:function(e){return this.soundsCollection.get(e)},getSounds:function(){return this.soundsCollection.models},getNumSounds:function(){return this.soundsCollection.length},getSoundIndex:function(e){return this.soundsCollection.indexOf(e)},getPrevSound:function(){return this.soundsCollection.at(this.currentSoundCursor-1)},getCurrentSound:function(){return this.soundsCollection.at(this.currentSoundCursor)},getNextSound:function(){return this.soundsCollection.at(this.currentSoundCursor+1)},getFirstSound:function(){return this.soundsCollection.at(0)},getLastSound:function(){return this.soundsCollection.at(this.soundsCollection.length-1)},play:function(e){this.soundsCollection.length?(this._internalNavigation=!1,this.getCurrentSound().audio.play(e)):this.lastFetchTime||(this._isPlayActionQueued=!0,this.fetch().done(function(){this._isPlayActionQueued&&(this._isPlayActionQueued=!1,this.play(e))}.bind(this)))},pause:function(e){this._isPlayActionQueued=!1,this.soundsCollection&&this.soundsCollection.length&&(this._internalNavigation=!1,this.getCurrentSound().audio.pause(e))},rewind:function(){this.currentSoundCursor=0},setCurrentSound:function(e){this.currentSoundCursor=this.getSoundIndex(e)},isPlaying:function(){return this.soundsCollection.some(function(e){return e.isPlaying()})},isPlayable:function(){return this.soundsCollection.every(function(e){return e.isPlayable()})}},{urnPrefix:"soundcloud:playlists",onCleanup:function(e){e.soundsCollection.each(function(e){e.playlist=null,e.release()}),e.soundsCollection.off(),delete e.soundsCollection,s.onCleanup(e)},resolve:function(e,t,n){return a._resolve(this,[e,"sets",t,n],function(n){var r=n.get("user");return r&&n.get("permalink")===t&&r.permalink===e})}})}), define("layouts/blocked-listen.tmpl",["vendor/handlebars-runtime"],function(){return require("vendor/handlebars-runtime").template(function(e,t,n,r,i){return this.compilerInfo=[4,">= 1.0.0"],n=this.merge(n,e.helpers),i=i||{},'\n'})}), define("layouts/blocked-listen.css",["require","exports","module","css"],function(e,t,n,r){n.exports=r.stringToStyleElement(r.transform(".l-blockedListen{background-color:#f2f2f2}")),data=null}), define("views/listen/blocked",["require","exports","module","lib/view","views/listen/blocked.css","views/listen/blocked.tmpl"],function(e,t,n){var r=e("lib/view"),i=n.exports=r.extend({css:e("views/listen/blocked.css"),template:e("views/listen/blocked.tmpl"),className:"blockedTrack"})}), define("views/listen/listen-carousel",["require","exports","module","underscore","$","lib/views/mixins/audible-control","config","lib/futures","lib/views/mixins/has-queue-source","lib/play-manager","router","models/sound","views/sound/sound","lib/helpers/style-helper","lib/view","lib/window-events","views/listen/listen-carousel.css","views/listen/listen-carousel.tmpl"],function(e,t,n){function b(e){var t=e?"on":"off";v[t]("resize:debounced",P,this),f[t]("change:currentSound",w,this)}function w(e){e.isGoingForward&&e.prev?E.call(this,e.current.resource_id,!0):e.isGoingForward===!1&&E.call(this,e.current.resource_id),T(this,e.current)}function E(e,t){var n=t?0:3,r=t?2:0,i=t?C:N;this.animationPromise=this.animationPromise.then(function(){if(this.disposed)return;var n=this.$("."+this.itemClassName);return x.call(this,e,r),t?k.call(this,[n[1],n[2]],"left"):k.call(this,[n[0],n[1]],"right")}.bind(this)).then(function(){if(this.disposed)return;i(this.getElement("wrapper")[0],A.call(this));var e=this.$("."+this.itemClassName);e[n].parentNode.removeChild(e[n]),L([e[1],e[2]])}.bind(this))}function S(e){var t="sound_"+e,n=this.subviews[t];return n||(n=new h({resource_id:e}),this.addSubview(n.render(),t)),n}function x(e,t){var n=S.call(this,e),r=this.$("."+this.itemClassName)[t];r&&(r.innerHTML="",r.appendChild(n.el))}function T(e,t){var n=l.getRoute("listen",t);n?o.get("router").navigate(n,{trigger:!1,replace:!0}):t.once("change:permalink",function(){!e.disposed&&f.getCurrentSound()===t&&T(e,t)})}function N(e,t){e.insertBefore(t,e.firstChild)}function C(e,t){e.appendChild(t)}function k(e,t){t=t==="left"?-this._carouselWidth:this._carouselWidth;var n="transform: translate3d("+t+"px , 0, 0);";return e.forEach(function(e){e.className+=" g-transition-translate",p(e,n)}),u.delay(m)}function L(e){var t="transform: none;";e.forEach(function(e){i(e).removeClass("g-transition-translate"),p(e,t)})}function A(){var e=document.createElement("div");return e.className=this.itemClassName,O.call(this,e,this._carouselWidth),e}function O(e,t){e.style.width=t+"px"}function M(e){this.elWidth=this.el.offsetWidth,this.$el.find(".listenCarousel__itemWrapper").each(function(t){O(t,e)})}function _(e){var t=this.getElement("wrapper")[0],n=-1*e;p(t,"transform: translate("+n+"px, 0)"),t.style.width=3*e+"px"}function D(){return this._carouselWidth=this.el.offsetWidth,this._carouselWidth}function P(){var e=D.call(this);_.call(this,e),M.call(this,e)}var r=e("underscore"),i=e("$"),s=e("lib/views/mixins/audible-control"),o=e("config"),u=e("lib/futures"),a=e("lib/views/mixins/has-queue-source"),f=e("lib/play-manager"),l=e("router"),c=e("models/sound"),h=e("views/sound/sound"),p=e("lib/helpers/style-helper"),d=e("lib/view"),v=e("lib/window-events"),m=250,g,y=n.exports=d.extend(s,a,{css:e("views/listen/listen-carousel.css"),template:e("views/listen/listen-carousel.tmpl"),className:"listenCarousel",itemClassName:"listenCarousel__itemWrapper",element2selector:{wrapper:".listenCarousel__wrapper"},states:{transitionTranslate:function(e){this.getElement("wrapper")[e?"addClass":"removeClass"]("g-transition-translate")}},ModelClass:c,getQueueSource:function(){return this.model.playlist||this.model},cursor:-1,animationPromise:null,setup:function(){this.animationPromise=u.resolve(),this.$el.one("pointerdown",g.bind(this)),b.call(this,!0)},dispose:function(){b.call(this,!1)},renderDecorate:function(){this.whenInserted().done(function(){P.call(this),x.call(this,this.model.resource_id,1)}.bind(this))},teardown:function(){clearTimeout(this._fetchNeighborSoundsId)}});g=r.once(function(){var e=this.getQueueSource();e&&!e.isPlaying()&&this.playAudible(e,{userInitiated:!0})})}), define("views/sound/sound-controls",["require","exports","module","underscore","lib/event-bus","lib/views/mixins/fetch-experiments","lib/native-links","lib/helpers/open-app-store-helper","lib/play-manager","lib/view","views/sound/sound-controls.css","views/sound/sound-controls.tmpl"],function(e,t,n){function p(e){this.getState("disabled")||a[e==="prev"?"playPrev":"playNext"]({userInitiated:!0})}function d(){this.getState("disabled")||(a.toggleCurrent({userInitiated:!0}),this.experiments.get("mweb_listening","open_app_store_on_play")==="experiment_group"&&o.useDeeplinks()&&u())}function v(){var e=a.getCurrentSound(),t=!!e&&!!e.isLoading(),n=!a.hasCurrentSound(),r=n||!a.hasPrevSound(),i=n||!a.hasNextSound(),s=n||e.isBlocked();this.toggleState("loading",t).toggleState("prevDisabled",r).toggleState("nextDisabled",i).toggleState("playDisabled",s).toggleState("disabled",n)}function m(){this.toggleState("paused",!0).toggleState("playing",!1),v.call(this)}function g(){this.toggleState("playing",!0).toggleState("paused",!1),v.call(this)}function y(){this.toggleState("initializing",!0),this.addDeferred(r.delay(function(){this.toggleState("initializing",!1),this.toggleState("initialized",!0)}.bind(this),l))}function b(){this.toggleState("scrubbing",!0)}function w(){this.toggleState("scrubbing",!1)}var r=e("underscore"),i=e("lib/event-bus"),s=e("lib/views/mixins/fetch-experiments"),o=e("lib/native-links"),u=e("lib/helpers/open-app-store-helper"),a=e("lib/play-manager"),f=e("lib/view"),l=2e3,c=250,h=n.exports=f.extend(s,{css:e("views/sound/sound-controls.css"),template:e("views/sound/sound-controls.tmpl"),className:"soundControls sc-selection-disabled",tagName:"section",events:{"click .soundControls__prev":"onClickPrev","click .soundControls__next":"onClickNext","click .soundControls__playPause":d},states:{loading:"loading",playing:"playing",paused:"paused",playDisabled:"playDisabled",prevDisabled:"prevDisabled",nextDisabled:"nextDisabled",disabled:"disabled",initializing:"initializing",initialized:"initialized"},setup:function(){this.listenTo(i,"audio:play",g).listenTo(i,"audio:pause",m).listenTo(i,"scrub:start",b).listenTo(i,"scrub:end",w).listenToOnce(i,"audio:play",y)},renderDecorate:function(){var e=a.getCurrentSound();e&&e.isPlaying()&&this.toggleState("initialized",!0).toggleState("playing",!0).toggleState("paused",!1)},dispose:function(){this.stopListening()},onClickNext:r.debounce(function(){p.call(this,"next")},c,!0),onClickPrev:r.debounce(function(){p.call(this,"prev")},c,!0)})}), define("views/listen/blocked.css",["require","exports","module","css"],function(e,t,n,r){n.exports=r.stringToStyleElement(r.transform(".blockedTrack__sound{width:100%;height:0;padding-bottom:100%;position:relative}.blockedTrack__soundInner{position:absolute;top:0;bottom:0;left:0;right:0}.blockedTrack__suggestions{background-color:#fff}")),data=null}), define("views/listen/blocked.tmpl",["vendor/handlebars-runtime","views/sound/sound","views/listen/blocked-suggestions"],function(){return require("vendor/handlebars-runtime").template(function(e,t,n,r,i){this.compilerInfo=[4,">= 1.0.0"],n=this.merge(n,e.helpers),i=i||{};var s="",o,u=this.escapeExpression;return s+=''+u(n.$view.call(t,"views/sound/sound",{hash:{resource_id:(o=t&&t._options,o==null||o===!1?o:o.resource_id),resource_type:(o=t&&t._options,o==null||o===!1?o:o.resource_type)},data:i}))+'
        \n\n'+u(n.$view.call(t,"views/listen/blocked-suggestions",{hash:{resource_id:(o=t&&t._options,o==null||o===!1?o:o.resource_id),resource_type:(o=t&&t.options,o==null||o===!1?o:o.resource_type)},data:i}))+"\n
        \n",s})}), define("lib/views/mixins/has-queue-source",["require","exports","module","underscore","lib/event-bus","lib/mixin","lib/play-manager","lib/url"],function(e,t,n){function f(e){var t=e?"on":"off";i[t]("audio:play",l,this)[t]("audio:pause",c,this)}function l(e){h.call(this,e.sound)}function c(e){h.call(this,e.sound)}function h(e){this.toggleState("playing",p.call(this,e))}function p(e){return e=e||o.getCurrentSound(),!!(e&&e.isPlaying()&&this.getQueueSource().getSounds().indexOf(e)>-1)}function d(e){var t=e.data,n=t.audible,r=this.getQueueSource();return r&&o.indexOfSoundInSource(n.getCurrentSound(),r)>-1}var r=e("underscore"),i=e("lib/event-bus"),s=e("lib/mixin"),o=e("lib/play-manager"),u=e("lib/url"),a=n.exports=new s({defaults:{getQueueSource:function(){return this.collection||this.model},getRestoreUrl:function(){return u.currentPath()}},applyTo:function(e){e.bubbleEvents=r.extend(e.bubbleEvents||{},{requestPlayContext:"onRequestPlayContext"})},onRequestPlayContext:function(e){d.call(this,e)&&(e.stopPropagation(),r.extend(e.data,{source:this.getQueueSource(),restoreUrl:this.getRestoreUrl()}))},before:{setup:function(){f.call(this,!0)},dispose:function(){f.call(this,!1)},renderDecorate:function(){var e=this.getQueueSource(),t=0;e&&o.setInitialSource(e,t,this.getRestoreUrl()),h.call(this)},teardown:function(){var e=this.getQueueSource();e&&o.unsetInitialSource(e)}}})}), define("views/sound/sound",["require","exports","module","lib/views/mixins/audible-control","lib/helpers/count-helper","lib/helpers/client-environment-helper","lib/event-bus","vendor/experiments/experiments","lib/views/mixins/fetch-experiments","lib/views/mixins/fullscreen-loader","lib/views/fullscreen-overlay","lib/views/mixins/has-queue-source","lib/helpers/image-helper","views/interstitials/like-app-upsell-content","lib/lingua","lib/native-links","lib/helpers/open-app-store-helper","lib/play-manager","models/sound","lib/views/mixins/swipeable","lib/tracking/tracking-core","lib/view","views/sound/sound.css","views/sound/sound.tmpl"],function(e,t,n){function x(){this.model.get("playable")||this.getElement("info").addClass("disabled"),this.toggleState("blocked",this.model.isBlocked())}function T(){w.action("navigate","user")}function N(){this.toggleAudible(this.model,{userInitiated:!0,context:this.getContextData()}),this.experiments.get("mweb_listening","open_app_store_on_play")==="experiment_group"&&v.useDeeplinks()&&m()}function C(e){e.originalEvent.stopPropagation()}function k(e){w.action("submit","like"),v.useDeeplinks()&&(this.subviews.likeAppUpsellModal||this.addSubview(new l({style:"dark",showHeader:!0,closeBehavior:"background",trackingIdentifier:"get_the_app::like",Subview:p}),"likeAppUpsellModal"),this.subviews.likeAppUpsellModal.open())}function L(){this.toggleState("paused",!0),this.toggleState("playing",!1)}function A(){this.toggleState("paused",!1),this.toggleState("playing",!0)}function O(){this.getState("paused")||(this._wasPaused=this.getState("paused"),this.toggleState("paused",!0))}function M(){this.toggleState("paused",this._wasPaused)}var r=e("lib/views/mixins/audible-control"),i=e("lib/helpers/count-helper"),s=e("lib/helpers/client-environment-helper").device,o=e("lib/event-bus"),u=e("vendor/experiments/experiments"),a=e("lib/views/mixins/fetch-experiments"),f=e("lib/views/mixins/fullscreen-loader"),l=e("lib/views/fullscreen-overlay"),c=e("lib/views/mixins/has-queue-source"),h=e("lib/helpers/image-helper"),p=e("views/interstitials/like-app-upsell-content"),d=e("lib/lingua"),v=e("lib/native-links"),m=e("lib/helpers/open-app-store-helper"),g=e("lib/play-manager"),y=e("models/sound"),b=e("lib/views/mixins/swipeable"),w=e("lib/tracking/tracking-core"),E=e("lib/view"),S=n.exports=E.extend(a,f,r,c,b,{swipeableSelector:".sound__artwork",ModelClass:y,css:e("views/sound/sound.css"),template:e("views/sound/sound.tmpl"),className:"sound g-box-full",element2selector:{info:".sound__info",artwork:".sound__artworkImage"},requiredAttributes:["user","title"],events:{"click .sound__artwork":N,"click .sound__info":T,"click .sound__likes":k,"pointerdown .sound__artwork":C,"pointerdown .sound__likes":C},bubbleEvents:{scrubStart:O,scrubEnd:M},states:{"show-likes":"show-likes"},_wasPaused:!1,setup:function(){this.el.className+=" "+s.brand,this.listenTo(o,"audio:pause",L).listenTo(o,"audio:play",A).model.on("change:playable",this.rerender,this),this.toggleState("show-likes",u.get("mweb_listening","like_button_upsell")==="enabled")},getTemplateData:function(e){return this.getState("show-likes")&&(e.likes_count_info={count:i.render(e.likes_count,{useSIUnits:!0}),fullMessage:d.tp("1 Like","%d Likes",e.likes_count,null,{comment:"How many times the track was Liked"})}),e.isBlocked=this.model.isBlocked(),e},dispose:function(){this.stopListening().model.off("change:playable",this.rerender,this)},renderDecorate:function(){var e=h.urlFrom(this.model.toJSON(),500),t=this.getElement("artwork")[0];h.fadeInBackground(e,t),x.call(this),this.model.playlist&&g.backfillHistoryFromPlaylist(this.model,this.model.playlist)},getQueueSource:function(){return this.model.playlist||this.model},onSwipeLeft:function(){g.playNext({userInitiated:!0})},onSwipeRight:function(){g.playPrev({userInitiated:!0})}})}), define("lib/helpers/style-helper",["require","exports","module"],function(e,t,n){function o(e,t,n){return e.style[t]=n,!0}function u(e){return e in document.documentElement.style}var r={transform:["webkit"]},i=Object.keys(r),s=n.exports=function(e,t){t=t.replace(";","");var n=t.split(":"),s=n[0],a=n[1],f=!1;return u(s)&&(f=o(e,s,a)),!f&&i.indexOf(s)>-1&&(f=r[s].some(function(t){var n="-"+t+"-"+s;if(u(n))return o(e,n,a)})),f}}), define("lib/window-events",["require","exports","module","$","underscore","lib/backbone","lib/support"],function(e,t,n){function l(e,t){var n=t+"d",r=e==="resize"?c(n):f.trigger.bind(f,e+":"+n);return i[t](r,a)}function c(e){var t=window.innerWidth,n=window.innerHeight,r=f.trigger.bind(f,"resize:x:"+e),i=f.trigger.bind(f,"resize:y:"+e),s=f.trigger.bind(f,"resize:"+e);return function(e){var o=window.innerWidth,u=window.innerHeight;o!==t&&r(e),u!==n&&i(e),s(e),n=u,t=o}}var r=e("$"),i=e("underscore"),s=e("lib/backbone"),o=e("lib/support"),u=o.orientationChange?"orientationchange":"resize",a=200,f=n.exports=i.extend({},s.Events);r(window).on(u,l("resize","debounce")).on(u,l("resize","throttle")).on("scroll",l("scroll","debounce")).on("scroll",l("scroll","throttle"))}), define("views/listen/listen-carousel.css",["require","exports","module","css"],function(e,t,n,r){n.exports=r.stringToStyleElement(r.transform(".listenCarousel{position:relative;width:100%;height:100%;overflow:hidden}.listenCarousel__wrapper{height:100%}.listenCarousel__itemWrapper{float:left;height:100%}")),data=null}), 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r=e("lib/view"),i=n.exports=r.extend({css:e("views/listen/blocked.css"),template:e("views/listen/blocked.tmpl"),className:"blockedTrack"})}), define("views/listen/listen-carousel",["require","exports","module","underscore","$","lib/views/mixins/audible-control","config","lib/futures","lib/views/mixins/has-queue-source","lib/play-manager","router","models/sound","views/sound/sound","lib/helpers/style-helper","lib/view","lib/window-events","views/listen/listen-carousel.css","views/listen/listen-carousel.tmpl"],function(e,t,n){function b(e){var t=e?"on":"off";v[t]("resize:debounced",P,this),f[t]("change:currentSound",w,this)}function w(e){e.isGoingForward&&e.prev?E.call(this,e.current.resource_id,!0):e.isGoingForward===!1&&E.call(this,e.current.resource_id),T(this,e.current)}function E(e,t){var n=t?0:3,r=t?2:0,i=t?C:N;this.animationPromise=this.animationPromise.then(function(){if(this.disposed)return;var n=this.$("."+this.itemClassName);return 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this.model.playlist||this.model},cursor:-1,animationPromise:null,setup:function(){this.animationPromise=u.resolve(),this.$el.one("pointerdown",g.bind(this)),b.call(this,!0)},dispose:function(){b.call(this,!1)},renderDecorate:function(){this.whenInserted().done(function(){P.call(this),x.call(this,this.model.resource_id,1)}.bind(this))},teardown:function(){clearTimeout(this._fetchNeighborSoundsId)}});g=r.once(function(){var e=this.getQueueSource();e&&!e.isPlaying()&&this.playAudible(e,{userInitiated:!0})})}), define("views/sound/sound-controls",["require","exports","module","underscore","lib/event-bus","lib/views/mixins/fetch-experiments","lib/native-links","lib/helpers/open-app-store-helper","lib/play-manager","lib/view","views/sound/sound-controls.css","views/sound/sound-controls.tmpl"],function(e,t,n){function p(e){this.getState("disabled")||a[e==="prev"?"playPrev":"playNext"]({userInitiated:!0})}function d(){this.getState("disabled")||(a.toggleCurrent({userInitiated:!0}),this.experiments.get("mweb_listening","open_app_store_on_play")==="experiment_group"&&o.useDeeplinks()&&u())}function v(){var e=a.getCurrentSound(),t=!!e&&!!e.isLoading(),n=!a.hasCurrentSound(),r=n||!a.hasPrevSound(),i=n||!a.hasNextSound(),s=n||e.isBlocked();this.toggleState("loading",t).toggleState("prevDisabled",r).toggleState("nextDisabled",i).toggleState("playDisabled",s).toggleState("disabled",n)}function m(){this.toggleState("paused",!0).toggleState("playing",!1),v.call(this)}function g(){this.toggleState("playing",!0).toggleState("paused",!1),v.call(this)}function y(){this.toggleState("initializing",!0),this.addDeferred(r.delay(function(){this.toggleState("initializing",!1),this.toggleState("initialized",!0)}.bind(this),l))}function b(){this.toggleState("scrubbing",!0)}function w(){this.toggleState("scrubbing",!1)}var 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s+=''+u(n.$view.call(t,"views/sound/sound",{hash:{resource_id:(o=t&&t._options,o==null||o===!1?o:o.resource_id),resource_type:(o=t&&t._options,o==null||o===!1?o:o.resource_type)},data:i}))+'
        \n\n'+u(n.$view.call(t,"views/listen/blocked-suggestions",{hash:{resource_id:(o=t&&t._options,o==null||o===!1?o:o.resource_id),resource_type:(o=t&&t.options,o==null||o===!1?o:o.resource_type)},data:i}))+"\n
        \n",s})}), define("lib/views/mixins/has-queue-source",["require","exports","module","underscore","lib/event-bus","lib/mixin","lib/play-manager","lib/url"],function(e,t,n){function f(e){var t=e?"on":"off";i[t]("audio:play",l,this)[t]("audio:pause",c,this)}function l(e){h.call(this,e.sound)}function c(e){h.call(this,e.sound)}function h(e){this.toggleState("playing",p.call(this,e))}function p(e){return e=e||o.getCurrentSound(),!!(e&&e.isPlaying()&&this.getQueueSource().getSounds().indexOf(e)>-1)}function d(e){var t=e.data,n=t.audible,r=this.getQueueSource();return r&&o.indexOfSoundInSource(n.getCurrentSound(),r)>-1}var r=e("underscore"),i=e("lib/event-bus"),s=e("lib/mixin"),o=e("lib/play-manager"),u=e("lib/url"),a=n.exports=new s({defaults:{getQueueSource:function(){return this.collection||this.model},getRestoreUrl:function(){return u.currentPath()}},applyTo:function(e){e.bubbleEvents=r.extend(e.bubbleEvents||{},{requestPlayContext:"onRequestPlayContext"})},onRequestPlayContext:function(e){d.call(this,e)&&(e.stopPropagation(),r.extend(e.data,{source:this.getQueueSource(),restoreUrl:this.getRestoreUrl()}))},before:{setup:function(){f.call(this,!0)},dispose:function(){f.call(this,!1)},renderDecorate:function(){var e=this.getQueueSource(),t=0;e&&o.setInitialSource(e,t,this.getRestoreUrl()),h.call(this)},teardown:function(){var e=this.getQueueSource();e&&o.unsetInitialSource(e)}}})}), define("views/sound/sound",["require","exports","module","lib/views/mixins/audible-control","lib/helpers/count-helper","lib/helpers/client-environment-helper","lib/event-bus","vendor/experiments/experiments","lib/views/mixins/fetch-experiments","lib/views/mixins/fullscreen-loader","lib/views/fullscreen-overlay","lib/views/mixins/has-queue-source","lib/helpers/image-helper","views/interstitials/like-app-upsell-content","lib/lingua","lib/native-links","lib/helpers/open-app-store-helper","lib/play-manager","models/sound","lib/views/mixins/swipeable","lib/tracking/tracking-core","lib/view","views/sound/sound.css","views/sound/sound.tmpl"],function(e,t,n){function x(){this.model.get("playable")||this.getElement("info").addClass("disabled"),this.toggleState("blocked",this.model.isBlocked())}function T(){w.action("navigate","user")}function N(){this.toggleAudible(this.model,{userInitiated:!0,context:this.getContextData()}),this.experiments.get("mweb_listening","open_app_store_on_play")==="experiment_group"&&v.useDeeplinks()&&m()}function C(e){e.originalEvent.stopPropagation()}function k(e){w.action("submit","like"),v.useDeeplinks()&&(this.subviews.likeAppUpsellModal||this.addSubview(new l({style:"dark",showHeader:!0,closeBehavior:"background",trackingIdentifier:"get_the_app::like",Subview:p}),"likeAppUpsellModal"),this.subviews.likeAppUpsellModal.open())}function L(){this.toggleState("paused",!0),this.toggleState("playing",!1)}function A(){this.toggleState("paused",!1),this.toggleState("playing",!0)}function O(){this.getState("paused")||(this._wasPaused=this.getState("paused"),this.toggleState("paused",!0))}function M(){this.toggleState("paused",this._wasPaused)}var r=e("lib/views/mixins/audible-control"),i=e("lib/helpers/count-helper"),s=e("lib/helpers/client-environment-helper").device,o=e("lib/event-bus"),u=e("vendor/experiments/experiments"),a=e("lib/views/mixins/fetch-experiments"),f=e("lib/views/mixins/fullscreen-loader"),l=e("lib/views/fullscreen-overlay"),c=e("lib/views/mixins/has-queue-source"),h=e("lib/helpers/image-helper"),p=e("views/interstitials/like-app-upsell-content"),d=e("lib/lingua"),v=e("lib/native-links"),m=e("lib/helpers/open-app-store-helper"),g=e("lib/play-manager"),y=e("models/sound"),b=e("lib/views/mixins/swipeable"),w=e("lib/tracking/tracking-core"),E=e("lib/view"),S=n.exports=E.extend(a,f,r,c,b,{swipeableSelector:".sound__artwork",ModelClass:y,css:e("views/sound/sound.css"),template:e("views/sound/sound.tmpl"),className:"sound g-box-full",element2selector:{info:".sound__info",artwork:".sound__artworkImage"},requiredAttributes:["user","title"],events:{"click .sound__artwork":N,"click .sound__info":T,"click 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e=h.urlFrom(this.model.toJSON(),500),t=this.getElement("artwork")[0];h.fadeInBackground(e,t),x.call(this),this.model.playlist&&g.backfillHistoryFromPlaylist(this.model,this.model.playlist)},getQueueSource:function(){return this.model.playlist||this.model},onSwipeLeft:function(){g.playNext({userInitiated:!0})},onSwipeRight:function(){g.playPrev({userInitiated:!0})}})}), define("lib/helpers/style-helper",["require","exports","module"],function(e,t,n){function o(e,t,n){return e.style[t]=n,!0}function u(e){return e in document.documentElement.style}var r={transform:["webkit"]},i=Object.keys(r),s=n.exports=function(e,t){t=t.replace(";","");var n=t.split(":"),s=n[0],a=n[1],f=!1;return u(s)&&(f=o(e,s,a)),!f&&i.indexOf(s)>-1&&(f=r[s].some(function(t){var n="-"+t+"-"+s;if(u(n))return o(e,n,a)})),f}}), define("lib/window-events",["require","exports","module","$","underscore","lib/backbone","lib/support"],function(e,t,n){function l(e,t){var n=t+"d",r=e==="resize"?c(n):f.trigger.bind(f,e+":"+n);return i[t](r,a)}function c(e){var t=window.innerWidth,n=window.innerHeight,r=f.trigger.bind(f,"resize:x:"+e),i=f.trigger.bind(f,"resize:y:"+e),s=f.trigger.bind(f,"resize:"+e);return function(e){var o=window.innerWidth,u=window.innerHeight;o!==t&&r(e),u!==n&&i(e),s(e),n=u,t=o}}var r=e("$"),i=e("underscore"),s=e("lib/backbone"),o=e("lib/support"),u=o.orientationChange?"orientationchange":"resize",a=200,f=n.exports=i.extend({},s.Events);r(window).on(u,l("resize","debounce")).on(u,l("resize","throttle")).on("scroll",l("scroll","debounce")).on("scroll",l("scroll","throttle"))}), define("views/listen/listen-carousel.css",["require","exports","module","css"],function(e,t,n,r){n.exports=r.stringToStyleElement(r.transform(".listenCarousel{position:relative;width:100%;height:100%;overflow:hidden}.listenCarousel__wrapper{height:100%}.listenCarousel__itemWrapper{float:left;height:100%}")),data=null}), define("views/listen/listen-carousel.tmpl",["vendor/handlebars-runtime"],function(){return require("vendor/handlebars-runtime").template(function(e,t,n,r,i){return this.compilerInfo=[4,">= 1.0.0"],n=this.merge(n,e.helpers),i=i||{},'\n'})}), define("lib/views/mixins/fetch-experiments",["require","exports","module","$","underscore","vendor/experiments/experiments","config/experiments","vendor/event-gateway/event-gateway","lib/mixin","lib/tracking/tracking-core","lib/url"],function(e,t,n){function v(){return h||(h=r.Deferred()),h}function m(){return c||(c=s.initialize(o).fetchAssignments().done(function(e){v().resolve(),s.setExperimentsFromQueryParams(l.getQueryParams()),u.setExperiments(e)}).fail(function(){c=null,h=null,f.whenRequestAllowed=p})),c}var r=e("$"),i=e("underscore"),s=e("vendor/experiments/experiments"),o=e("config/experiments"),u=e("vendor/event-gateway/event-gateway"),a=e("lib/mixin"),f=e("lib/tracking/tracking-core"),l=e("lib/url"),c,h,p=f.whenRequestAllowed,d=n.exports=new a({experiments:s,around:{hasData:function(e){return e.call(this)&&s.isUpToDate(s.getAssignments(),o.version)},fetchData:function(e,t){var n=[t?e.call(this,t):r.Deferred().resolve()],i=r.Deferred();return this.addDeferred(i),s.isUpToDate(s.getAssignments(),o.version)||n.push(m.call(this)),r.when(n).done(function(e){i.resolve(e)}).fail(function(){i.reject()}),i.done(this.rerender.bind(this)),i}},before:{setup:i.once(function(){s.getAssignments()||f.deferRequests(v)})}})}), define("lib/helpers/open-app-store-helper",["require","exports","module","underscore","lib/native-links"],function(e,t,n){var r=e("underscore"),i=e("lib/native-links");n.exports=r.once(function(){window.open(i.getStoreLink(),"_blank")})}), define("views/sound/sound-controls.css",["require","exports","module","css"],function(e,t,n,r){n.exports=r.stringToStyleElement(r.transform(".soundControls{height:80px;position:absolute;top:50%;left:0;right:0;margin-top:-40px;-webkit-transform:translate3d(0,0,0);pointer-events:none}.soundControls__control{background-position:0 0;background-repeat:no-repeat;background-size:100% auto;position:absolute;pointer-events:auto}.soundControls__prev,.soundControls__next{background-image:url(https://m.soundcloud.com/assets/images/ldpi/player/skip_button-e03e9a61.png);width:28px;height:19px;top:30px;opacity:0;-webkit-transition:opacity 2s cubic-bezier(1,.01,.81,1);transition:opacity 2s cubic-bezier(1,.01,.81,1)}.soundControls__prev{left:17px}.soundControls__next{right:17px;-webkit-transform:scaleX(-1);-ms-transform:scaleX(-1);transform:scaleX(-1)}.soundControls.disabled .soundControls__playPause,.soundControls.playing .soundControls__playPause:active,.soundControls.loading .soundControls__playPause:active{background-color:rgba(0,0,0,.5)}.soundControls.playing .soundControls__playPause,.soundControls.loading .soundControls__playPause{background-position:0 0}.soundControls__prev:active,.soundControls__next:active{background-position:0 -19px}.soundControls.disabled .soundControls__next,.soundControls.nextDisabled .soundControls__next,.soundControls.disabled .soundControls__prev,.soundControls.prevDisabled .soundControls__prev,.soundControls.playDisabled .soundControls__playPause{display:none}.initialized .soundControls__playPause{opacity:0}.initializing .soundControls__next,.initializing .soundControls__prev,.paused .soundControls__next,.paused .soundControls__prev,.paused .soundControls__playPause{opacity:1}.paused .soundControls__next,.paused .soundControls__prev,.paused .soundControls__playPause{-webkit-transition:none;transition:none}.soundControls.scrubbing{display:none}")),data=null}), define("views/sound/sound-controls.tmpl",["vendor/handlebars-runtime"],function(){return require("vendor/handlebars-runtime").template(function(e,t,n,r,i){this.compilerInfo=[4,">= 1.0.0"],n=this.merge(n,e.helpers),i=i||{};var s="",o=this.escapeExpression;return s+=''+o(n.$a11y.call(t,{hash:{screenreader:n.$t.call(t,"Previous track",{hash:{_comment:"Help text on prev button"},data:i})},data:i}))+'\n'+o(n.$a11y.call(t,{hash:{screenreader:n.$t.call(t,"Play or pause track",{hash:{_comment:"Help text on play/pause button"},data:i})},data:i}))+'\n'+o(n.$a11y.call(t,{hash:{screenreader:n.$t.call(t,"Next track",{hash:{_comment:"Help text on next button"},data:i})},data:i}))+"\n",s})}), define("views/listen/blocked-suggestions",["require","exports","module","lib/helpers/charts-helper","collections/chart-tracks","collections/related-sounds","models/sound","lib/view","views/listen/blocked-suggestions.css","views/listen/blocked-suggestions.tmpl"],function(e,t,n){function c(){return this.relatedSounds.isFullyPopulated()||h.call(this)}function h(){return this.relatedSounds.length>=f}var r=e("lib/helpers/charts-helper"),i=e("collections/chart-tracks"),s=e("collections/related-sounds"),o=e("models/sound"),u=e("lib/view"),a="top",f=3,l=n.exports=u.extend({css:e("views/listen/blocked-suggestions.css"),template:e("views/listen/blocked-suggestions.tmpl"),className:"blockedSuggestions",ModelClass:o,requiredAttributes:["genre"],setup:function(e){this.relatedSounds=new s(null,{resource_id:e.resource_id,resource_type:e.resource_type}),this.setupCollectionListeners(this.relatedSounds)},dispose:function(){this.teardownCollectionListeners(this.relatedSounds),this.relatedSounds.release()},hasData:function(){return u.prototype.hasData.apply(this,arguments)&&c.call(this)},getTemplateData:function(e){var t=e.useFallback=!h.call(this),n=this.options.resource_id,o=r.userGenreToChartGenre(e.genre).id;return t?(e.tagline=r.taglines(a,o).short,e.getSuggestionsCollection=function(){return new i(null,{genre:o,chartKind:a})}):e.getSuggestionsCollection=function(){return new s(null,{resource_id:n})},e},fetchData:function(){return c.call(this)?u.prototype.fetchData.apply(this,arguments):this.relatedSounds.bulkFetch(f)}})}), define("lib/views/mixins/fullscreen-loader",["require","exports","module","lib/views/loading","lib/mixin"],function(e,t,n){var r=e("lib/views/loading"),i=e("lib/mixin"),s=n.exports=new i({override:{LoadingView:r,loadingViewArgs:function(){return{size:"fullscreen"}}}})}), define("views/interstitials/like-app-upsell-content",["require","exports","module","lib/helpers/client-environment-helper","lib/lingua","lib/native-links","lib/view","views/interstitials/like-app-upsell-content.tmpl","views/interstitials/like-app-upsell-content.css"],function(e,t,n){function a(e){this.bubble("closeButton:click")}function f(e){e.stopPropagation()}var r=e("lib/helpers/client-environment-helper").device,i=e("lib/lingua"),s=e("lib/native-links"),o=e("lib/view"),u=n.exports=o.extend({template:e("views/interstitials/like-app-upsell-content.tmpl"),css:e("views/interstitials/like-app-upsell-content.css"),className:"likeAppUpsellContent g-align-vertical",events:{"click .likeAppUpsellContent__closeButton":a,click:f},setup:function(e){this.el.className+=" "+r.brand},getTemplateData:function(e){var t=r.iOS?i.t("Get our iPhone app to save this track to your likes, create playlists and more."):i.t("Get our Android app to save this track to your likes, create playlists and more.");return{upsellIcon:"https://m.soundcloud.com/assets/images/ldpi/interstitial/like-upsell/heart-android-280d5bc8.png",upsellHeader:i.t("Try our app.It's even better"),upsellContent:t,getLikeUpsellDeepLink:s.getLikeCountDeepLink}}})}), define("lib/views/mixins/swipeable",["require","exports","module","lib/mixin"],function(e,t,n){function s(e){var t=e.data.direction;t==="left"&&this.onSwipeLeft?this.onSwipeLeft():this.onSwipeRight&&this.onSwipeRight(),e.originalEvent.preventDefault()}var r=e("lib/mixin"),i=n.exports=new r({defaults:{swipeableSelector:null},after:{renderDecorate:function(){this.$el.on("swipe",this.swipeableSelector,s.bind(this))}}})}), define("views/sound/sound.css",["require","exports","module","css"],function(e,t,n,r){n.exports=r.stringToStyleElement(r.transform(".sound__info{position:absolute;z-index:1;top:20px;left:18px;right:18px}.sound__username{font-size:15px;line-height:22px}.sound__username a{color:#ccc}.sound__title{font-size:22px;line-height:1.3}.sound__controls{position:absolute;top:50%;left:0;right:0;height:80px;margin-top:-50px}.sound__infoContent{margin:0 0 4px}.sound__artwork,.sound__artworkOverlay{position:absolute;top:0;bottom:0;width:100%}.sound__artworkOverlay{height:100%;opacity:0;background:#000}.sound__playIndicator{-webkit-transform:translate3d(0,-3px,0);transform:translate3d(0,-3px,0)}.sound__likes{color:#fff;position:absolute;bottom:12px;right:20px;line-height:39px;padding:0 10px 0 5px;font-size:14px}.sound__likes:before{width:35px;height:35px;background-image:url(https://m.soundcloud.com/assets/images/ldpi/player/like_button-280d5bc8.png);background-size:35px 35px}.iOS .sound__likes{right:auto;left:20px;border-radius:4px;height:33px;line-height:33px;background:rgba(0,0,0,.3);border:1px solid transparent}.sound.iOS.blocked .sound__likes,.sound.iOS.paused .sound__likes{background:none;border-color:rgba(255,255,255);border-color:rgba(255,255,255,.2)}.iOS .sound__likes:before{width:25px;height:25px;background-size:25px 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define("views/sound/sound.tmpl",["vendor/handlebars-runtime","views/banner/banner","views/sound/waveform"],function(){return require("vendor/handlebars-runtime").template(function(e,t,n,r,i){function l(e,t){var r="";return r+=''+u(n.$t.call(e,"Not available inyour country",{hash:{},data:t}))+"
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      VIDEO-CBS: Clinton's historic unfavorables, trust issues adding uncertainty to election - YouTube
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 21:49
      VIDEO-Kellyanne Conway Interview with ABC Martha Raddatz '' Good Morning America (9/4/16)'...
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        Archived Version
        Source: The Last Refuge
        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 21:48
        Soon-to-be presidential moderator, ABC's Martha Raddatz, interviews Donald Trump campaign manager Kellyanne Conway for Good Morning America.
      VIDEO-Hillary Clinton Started To Cough Violently In Cleveland, Ohio - YouTube
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        Archived Version
        Mon, 05 Sep 2016 21:31
      VIDEO-Brock Turner released from jail after 3 months - CNN.com
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Sun, 04 Sep 2016 20:51
        The former Stanford University swimmer bowed his head as he rushed past a crowd of reporters. He didn't say a word before getting into a white SUV awaiting him.
        "We don't know who picked him up or where he's going, but we're done with him," Santa Clara County Sheriff Laurie Smith told reporters outside the jail. "He should be in prison right now, but he's not in our custody."
        The case drew national attention after the victim's wrenching impact statement went viral. The brevity of Turner's sentence triggered outrage against the judge and controversy over how the justice system treats sexual assault survivors.
        Similar furor was on display Friday. Hours after Turner's release, protesters chanted and waved signs outside the Santa Clara County jail.
        Their focus: Judge Aaron Persky, who sentenced Turner in June. Several speakers called for Persky to be removed from office through a recall election."There is no justice in the light sentence and early release of Brock Turner," said U.S. Rep. Eric Swalwell, a former prosecutor who represents the San Francisco Bay area. "Are you ready to give Judge Persky the early release that he deserves?" The crowd shouted, "Yes!"
        As demonstrators chanted, "Hey hey, ho ho, Judge Persky has got to go," they held signs saying "protect survivors, not rapists," "Hold Persky accountable" and "Because our daughters deserve better."
        A bicyclist carries a sign critical of the judge's sentencing in the Brock Turner case Friday in San Jose.
        Turner's attorney declined to comment on the case Friday.
        What's next for Turner?
        Like most offenders in California sentenced to county jail, Turner, who turned 21 while behind bars, was released under a law that gives inmates credit for time served.
        Now he must register as a sex offender for life. He's expected to return to his family's home in the suburbs of Dayton, Ohio.
        If he does, he'll have five days to register as a sex offender there, and he must register again every 90 days, Greene County Sheriff Gene Fischer told CNN.
        Turner's picture, conviction information and address will be publicly available on Ohio's sex offender registry, Fischer said.
        Additionally, anyone living within 1,250 feet of Turner's address will be notified with a postcard. And he will not be allowed to live within 1,000 feet of schools or playgrounds, the sheriff said.
        While Turner's jail sentence is finished, he must still complete three years of probation when he returns to Ohio. He will enter a sex offender management program for at least one year or as long as three.
        Such programs tend to consist of group counseling sessions led by psychologists focused on cognitive behavioral treatment. Typically, the goal is to address underlying anti-social behavior that leads to distorted ways of thinking about sex, relationships and empathy toward others.
        As part of the program, Turner must submit to polygraph tests.
        Additional requirements include notifying law enforcement of changes in address, employment, education schedule, vehicles, telephone numbers, volunteer work and Internet access information such as user names and passwords for emails, websites and social networking sites.
        Prosecutor asked for 6-year sentence
        After two days of deliberations in March, a jury found Turner guilty of three felony counts: assault with intent to commit rape of an intoxicated or unconscious person, penetration of an intoxicated person and penetration of an unconscious person.Deputy District Attorney Alaleh Kianerci said Turner should get a six-year sentence in state prison, arguing that he lacked remorse and that his victim was especially vulnerable in her unconscious state.
        But Persky took a different tack, following the probation department's recommendation of probation and county jail time, based on Turner's lack of criminal history, his show of "sincere remorse" and the fact that alcohol was involved, impairing his judgment.
        Additionally, the judge said he'd considered the "severe impact" a state prison sentence would have on an offender of Turner's age."I think you have to take the whole picture in terms of what impact imprisonment has on a specific individual's life. And the impact statements that have been -- or the, really, character letters that have been submitted, do show a huge collateral consequence for Mr. Turner based on the conviction."
        Judge targeted for recall
        Outcry over Persky's sentence, which was considered too lenient in the eyes of many, was quick and substantial.
        A campaign to recall Persky has gained momentum.
        In the meantime, supporters of the judge responded with their own campaign this week with a website called "Retain Judge Persky." The site has an "About Judge Aaron Persky" page, which includes a statement purportedly from the judge, as well as a section for contributions.At his request, Persky will no longer hear criminal cases after a transfer to the civil division by the end of September.Also this week, state lawmakers passed a bill written by the Santa Clara district attorney's office, calling for mandatory prison time for those convicted of committing sexual assaults upon intoxicated or unconscious victims.Smith, the Santa Clara County sheriff, gave reporters outside the jail Friday a copy of a letter she sent to California Gov. Jerry Brown this week, urging him to sign the bill.
        "As the Sheriff of Santa Clara County and a mother I believe that the interests of justice are best served by ensuring that sexual predators are sent to prison as punishment for their crime," she wrote. "Victims of these types of sexual assaults struggle for years to cope with the damage done to their lives and knowing that there is more just punishment to those that perpetrated these assaults may provide some solace to these victims."
        'I am not just the livid victim'
        In her victim impact letter she read in court before Turner's sentencing, the woman described blacking out at a fraternity party and waking up in a hospital with pine needles in her hair, dried blood and bandages on the backs of her hands and elbows, her underwear missing.
        She described finally learning what happened to her at the same time everyone else did, through news reports: how she was found unconscious behind a dumpster between two fraternity houses, her dress pulled over her shoulders, bra pulled down, naked from the waist down. Two passers-by stopped when they saw Turner grinding against her unconscious body; he ran and they chased after him, pinning him to the ground until police showed up.
        "I don't sleep when I think about the way it could have gone if the two guys had never come. What would have happened to me?" she said.
        Addressing Turner directly, she described how he destroyed not just one life, but two. She told of her struggle to shed the victim label that had been pressed upon her, and urged him to see the error of his ways, convinced that he still doesn't get it.
        "Every day, I have to relearn that I am not fragile; I am capable; I am wholesome; I am not just the livid victim," she said.
        "Your life is not over. You have decades of years ahead to rewrite your story. But right now, you do not get to shrug your shoulders and be confused anymore. You have been convicted of violating me intentionally, forcibly, sexually, with malicious intent, three felonies, and you have only admitted to drinking alcohol."
        She urged Persky to disregard the probation officer's recommendation of straight probation, based on findings that Turner was considered low risk to reoffend and had already endured great losses.
        "Had Brock admitted guilt and remorse and offered to settle early on, I would have considered a lighter sentence, respecting his honesty, grateful to be able to move our lives forward," she said.
        "However, this was not the case. My family and I have endured over a year of inexplicable, unnecessary suffering, and he should face the consequences of challenging his crime, of putting my pain into question, of making us wait so long for justice."
        CNN's Ana Cabrera, Tony Marco, Ralph Ellis and Dan Simon contributed to this report.
      VIDEO-Fired Mizzou professor Melissa Click hired at Gonzaga University | Fox News
        Link to Article
        Archived Version
        Sun, 04 Sep 2016 20:46
        Former University of Missouri professor Melissa Click has landed a new job nearly 1,600 miles away in Spokane, Wash, according to Gonzaga University's website.
        Click is listed on the faculty page of the university's website as a lecturer.
        Click was fired from her position as an assistant professor of communications in February, and her appeal of the decision was denied in March. She achieved national attention after video footage of her assaulting a student journalist went viral. Later, video emerged of her yelling profanities at a police officer.
        Her confrontation with a student journalist attempting to cover campus protests last November was caught on the journalist's camera.
        Elisabeth Mermann-Jozwiak, dean of the College of Arts and Sciences at Gonzaga, told the Kansas City Star in a written statement that Gonzaga officials knew of Click's recent history and were confident in welcoming her to the university. The Kansas City Star first reported the hiring.
        Click was hired for a one-year, non-tenure track position as a lecturer in the university's communication studies department, Mermann-Jowiak told the newspaper.
        ''Dr. Click was hired through an extensive national search process that revealed her to be the most qualified and experienced candidate for the position,'' the statement obtained by the newspaper read. ''Dr. Click has excellent recommendations for both her teaching and scholarship, which includes an extensive record of publication. We are confident she has learned much from her experiences at the University of Missouri and believe she will uphold the rigorous standards of academic excellence demanded of Gonzaga faculty and students.''
        Click for more from The Kansas City Star.
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